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Encyclopaedia of the Ancient World 

New Pauly 




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New Pauly 



Brill’s New Pauly 


Dr. Andreas Bendlin, Toronto 
History of Religion 

Prof. Dr. Gerhard Binder, Bochum 
History of Civilization 

Prof. Dr. Rudolf Brandle, Basle 

Prof. Dr. Hubert Cancik, Tubingen 
Executive Editor 

Prof. Dr. Walter Eder, Bochum 
Ancient History 

Prof. Dr. Paolo Eleuteri, Venice 

Textual Criticism, Palaeography and Codicology 

Dr. Karl-Ludwig Elvers, Bochum 
Ancient History 

Prof. Dr. Bernhard Forssman, Erlangen 
Linguistics; Tradition: Linguistics 

Prof. Dr. Fritz Graf, Columbus (Ohio) 

Religion and Mythology; Tradition: Religion 

Prof. Dr. Max Haas, Basle 
Music; Tradition: Music 

Prof. Dr. Berthold Hinz, Kassel 
Tradition: Art and Architecture 

Dr. Christoph Hocker, Zurich 

Prof. Dr. Christian Hiinemorder, Hamburg 
Natural Sciences 

Prof. Dr. Lutz Kappel, Kiel 

Dr. Margarita Kranz, Berlin 
Tradition: Philosophy 

Prof. Dr. Andre Laks, Lille 

Prof. Dr. Manfred Landfester, Giessen 
Executive Editor: Classical Tradition; Tradition: 
History of Classical Scholarship and History of 

Prof. Dr. Maria Moog-Griinewald, Tubingen 
Comparative Literature 

Prof. Dr. Dr. Glenn W. Most, Pisa 
Greek Philology 

Prof. Dr. Beat Naf, Zurich 
Tradition: Political Theory and Politics 

Prof. Dr. Johannes Niehoff, Budapest 

Judaism, Eastern Christianity, Byzantine Civilization 

Prof. Dr. Hans Jorg Nissen, Berlin 
Oriental Studies 

Prof. Dr. Vivian Nutton, London 
Medicine; Tradition: Medicine 

Prof. Dr. Eckart Olshausen, Stuttgart 
Historical Geography 

Prof. Dr. Filippo Ranieri, Saarbriicken 
European Legal History 

Prof. Dr. Johannes Renger, Berlin 
Oriental Studies; Tradition: Ancient Orient 

Prof. Dr. Volker Riedel, Jena 
Tradition: Education, Countries (II) 

Prof. Dr. Jorg Riipke, Erfurt 
Latin Philology, Rhetoric 

Prof. Dr. Gottfried Schiemann, Tubingen 

Prof. Dr. Helmuth Schneider, Kassel 
Executive Editor; Social and Economic History, 
Military Affairs, History of Classical Scholarship 

Prof. Dr. Dietrich Willers, Bern 

Classical Archaeology (Material Culture and 

History of Art) 

Dr. Frieder Zaminer, Berlin 

Prof Dr. Bernhard Zimmermann, Freiburg 
Tradition: Countries (I) 


Encyclopaedia of the Ancient World 

New Pauly 

Edited by 

Manfred Landfester in cooperation with 
Hubert Cancik and Helmuth Schneider 

English Edition 

Managing Editor Francis G. Gentry 

Assistant Editors Michael Chase, Tina Chronopoulos, 
Edda Gentry, Susanne Hakenbeck, Tina Jerke, 

Craig Kallendorf, Ingrid Rosa Kitzberger, 

Daniel C. Mack, Sebastiaan R. van der Mije, 

Joseph M. Sullivan, Frank J. Tobin and James K. Walter 




200 6 

© Copyright 2.006 by Koninklijke Brill nv, 
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Originally published in German as der neue 
pauly. Enzyklopadie der Antike. In Verbindung 
mit Hubert Cancik und Helmuth Schneider 
herausgegeben von Manfred Landfester. 
Copyright © J.B. Metzlersche Verlagsbuch- 
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Table of Contents 

Notes to the User VII 

List of Transliterations IX 

List of Abbreviations XI 

List of Authors XLIX 

Classical Tradition translators LI 

List of Entries LIII 

Entries i 

Notes to the User 

Arrangement of Entries 

The entries are arranged alphabetically and, if appli- 
cable, placed in chronological order. In the case of alter- 
native forms or sub-entries, cross-references will lead to 
the respective main entry. Composite entries can be 
found in more than one place (e.g. a commentariis re- 
fers to commentariis, a). 

Identical entries are differentiated by numbering. 
Spelling of Entries 

Greek words and names are as a rule latinized, follow- 
ing the predominant practice of reference works in the 
English language, with the notable exception of tech- 
nical terms. Institutions and places (cities, rivers, is- 
lands, countries etc.) often have their conventional Eng- 
lish names (e.g. Rome not Roma). The latinized versi- 
ons of Greek names and words are generally followed 
by the Greek and the literal transliteration in brackets, 
e.g. Aeschylus (Alaxbkog; Aischylos). 

Oriental proper names are usually spelled according to 
the ‘Tubinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients’ (TAVO), but 
again conventional names in English are also used. In 
the maps, the names of cities, rivers, islands, countries 
etc. follow ancient spelling and are transliterated fully 
to allow for differences in time, e.g. both Kaitita&ojaa 
and Cappadocia can be found. The transliteration of 
non-Latin scripts can be found in the ‘List of Transli- 

Latin and transliterated Greek words are italicized in 
the article text. However, where Greek transliterations 
do not follow immediately upon a word written in 
Greek, they will generally appear in italics, but without 
accents or makra. 


All abbreviations can be found in the ‘List of Abbrevi- 
ations’. Collections of inscriptions, coins and papyri are 
listed under their sigla. 


Most entries have bibliographies, consisting of num- 
bered and/or alphabetically organized references. Ref- 
erences within the text to the numbered bibliographic 
items are in square brackets (e.g. [ 1.5 n.23] refers to the 
first title of the bibliography, page 5, note 23). The ab- 
breviations within the bibliographies follow the rules of 
the ‘List of Abbreviations’. 


Articles are linked through a system of cross-references 
with an arrow -> before the entry that is being referred 

Cross-references to related entries are given at the end 
of an article, generally before the bibliographic notes. If 
reference is made to a homonymous entry, the respec- 
tive number is also added. 

Cross-references to entries within the Classical Tradi- 
tion volumes are added in small capitals; cross-referen- 
ces to entries in the Antiquity volumes are added in 
regular type. 

It can occur that in a cross-reference a name is spelled 
differently from the surrounding text: e.g., a cross-ref- 
erence to Mark Antony has to be to Marcus 
-> Antonius, as his name will be found in a list of other 
names containing the component ‘Antonius’. 

List of Transliterations 

Transliteration of ancient Greek 













gamma; y before y, x, y: n 






























































P h 













spiritus asper 



iota subscriptum (similarly rj, to 

In transliterated Greek the accents are retained (acute 
grave and circumflex "). Long vowels with the circum- 
flex accent have no separate indication of vowel length 

Transliteration and pronounciation of Modern Greek 

Only those sounds and combinations of sounds are men- 
tioned which are different from Ancient Greek. 


P v 

y gh before ‘dark’ vowels 

like Engl, ‘go’ 

j before ‘light’ vowels 

6 dh like Engl, ‘the’ 

t, z like Engl, ‘zeal’ 

0 th like Engl, ‘thing’ 

Combinations of consonants 

yx ng 

g in initial position 

pjt mb 

b in initial position 

vx nd 

d in initial position 

i] i 

U i 







before hard consonants 






before hard consonants 

oi i 

ui ii 

Spiritus asper is not pronounced. The Ancient Greek ac- 
cent normally retains its position, but the distinction bet- 
ween ' and “ has disappeared. 

Transliteration of Hebrew 

N a alef 

3 b bet 

n g gimel 

■ d dalet 

n h he 

1 w vav 

t z zayin 

n h khet 

3 t tet 

1 y yod 

D k kaf 









Persian, and Ottoman 














hamza, alif 








ba 5 















ta 5 








ta 5 









t 27 














ha 3 








ha 3 














ra 3 

Pronunciation of Turkish 











Turkish uses Latin script since 1928. Pronunciation and 






spelling generally follow the same rules as European 

J 1 





languages. Phonology according to G. Lewis, Turkish 





Grammar, 2000. 










ta 3 



French a in avoir 




za 3 








c ain 



j in jam 








ch in church 




fa 3 







q, k 




French e in etre 



k, g, 

n kaf 










g in gate or in angular 








lengthens preceding vowel 








h in have 








i in cousin 





ha 3 



French i in si 


w, u 






French j 




ya 3 



c in cat or in cure 



1 in list or in wool 

Transliteration of other languages 




N n n 

O o French o in note 

O 6 German 6 

P p p 

R r r 

S s s in sit 

§ § sh in shape 

T t t 

U u u in put 

U ii German u 

V v v 

Y y y in yet 

Z z z 

Akkadian (Assyrian-Babylonian), Hittite and Sumerian 
are transliterated according to the rules of RLA and 
TAVO. For Egyptian the rules of the Lexikon der Agyp- 
tologie are used. The transliteration of Indo-European 
follows Rix, HGG. The transliteration of Old Indian is 
after M. Mayrhofer, Etymologisches Worterbuch des 
Altindoarischen, i99zff. Avestian is done according to 
K. Hoffmann, B. Forssman, Avestische Laut- und 
Flexionslehre, 1996. Old Persian follows R.G. Kent, 
Old Persian, G953 (additions from K. Hoffmann, 
Aufsatze zur Indoiranistik vol. 2, 1976, 62zff.); other 
Iranian languages are after R. Schmitt, Compendium 
linguarum Iranicarum, 1989, and after D.N. Macken- 
zie, A Concise Pahlavi Dictionary, 3 i990. For Arme- 
nian the rules of R. Schmitt, Grammatik des Klassisch- 
Armenischen, 1981, and of the Revue des etudes ar- 
meniennes, apply. The languages of Asia Minor are 
transliterated according to HbdOr. For Mycenean, 
Cyprian see Heubeck and Masson; for Italic scripts 
and Etruscan see Vetter and ET. 

List of Abbreviations 

1. Special Characters 


see (cross-reference) 

i, p 

consonantal i, u 


originated from (ling.) 

m, n 

vocalized m, n 


evolved into (ling.) 


vocalized 1, r 


syllable end 


born/reconstructed form (ling.) 


word end 



< > 



short vowel 

/ / 

phonemic representation 


long vowel 

[ ] 




2. List of General Abbreviations 

Common abbreviations (e.g., etc.) are not included in 
the list of general abbreviations. 

abl. ablative 

contd. continued 

Copenhagen, Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptothek 




Athens, AM 

Athens, Acropolis Museum 

Copenhagen, Copenhagen, National Museum 

Athens, BM 

Athens, Benaki Museum 



Athens, National Museum 

Copenhagen, Copenhagen, Thorvaldsen Museum 


Athens, Numismatic Museum 










Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery 


decretum, decreta 




Basle, AM 

Basle, Antikenmuseum 


edidit, editio, editor, edited (by) 

Berlin, PM 

Berlin, Pergamonmuseum 



Berlin, SM 

Berlin, Staatliche Museen 






falsa lectio 

Bonn, RL 

Bonn, Rheinisches Landesmuseum 




Boston, Museum of Fine Arts 





Florence, Museo Archeologico 


Bulletin, Bullettino 





Florence, Uffizi 


Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum 






carmen, carmina 


Frankfurt, Liebighaus 


Catalogue, Catalogo 









Geneva, Musee d’Art et d’Histoire 


Codex, Codices, Codizes 







acta concilii 




Cologne, Romisch Germanisches Muse- 


Hamburg, Museum fur Kunst und Ge- 








Hanover, Kestner-Museum 


Congrss, Congres, Congresso 





inventory number 

Rome, MC 

Rome, Museo Capitolino 


Rome, MN 

Rome, Museo Nazionale 


Istanbul, Archaeological Museum 

Rome, MV 

Rome, Museo Vaticano 


Rome, VA 

Rome, Villa Albani 



Rome, VG 

Rome, Villa Giulia 

Kassel, SK 

Kassel, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen 


Serie, Series, Serie, Seria 

1 . 



sub voce 

1 . 







scholion, scholia 


loco citato 










Society, Societe, Societa 


liber, libri 





St. Peters- 

St. Petersburg, Hermitage 



burg, HR 


London, British Museum 


Studia, Studien, Studies, Studi 


The Hague, 

The Hague, Muntenkabinet 

Madrid, PR 

Madrid, Prado 



Malibu, Getty Museum 

Thessaloniki, Thessaloniki, National Museum 




masculinum, masculine 




Moscow, Pushkin Museum 


translation, translated (by) 



terminus technicus 




Universitat, University, Universite, Uni- 


Munich, Glyptothek 





Munich, SA 

Munich, Staatliche Antikensammlung 

Vienna, KM 

Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum 


Munich, Staatliche Munzsammlung 





Museum, Musee, Museo 


no date 

3. Bibliographic Abbreviations 


Naples, Museo Archeologico Nazionale 




neutrum, neuter, neutral 

Antike und Abendland 

New York, 

New York, Metropolitan Museum of 




Atene e Roma 






Archaologischer Anzeiger 


Neue Serie, New Series, Nouvelle Serie, 


Nuova Seria 

Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology 


New Testament 



Opus, Opera 

S. Gsell, Atlas archeologique de l’Algerie. Edition 



speciale des cartes au du Service Geogra- 


Old Testament 

phique de 

P Armee, 1911, repr. 1973 


Oxford, Ashmolean Museum 



Anzeiger fiir die Altertumswissenschaften, publica- 



tion of the Osterreichische Humanistische Gesell- 





Palermo, Museo Archeologico Nazionale 



Acta archeologica 

Paris, BN 

Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale 


Paris, CM 

Paris, Cabinet des Medailles 

The Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Re- 

Paris, LV 

Paris, Louvre 




AATun 050 



E. Babelon, R. Cagnat, S. Reinach (ed.), Atlas 



archeologique de la Tunisie (1 : 50.000), 1893 



AATun 100 



R. Cagnat, A. Merlin (ed.), Atlas archeologique de 

la Tunisie (1: 100.000), 1914 




Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in 
Gottingen. Philologisch-historische Klasse 

Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften 
und Literatur in Mainz. Geistes- und sozialwissen- 
schaftliche Klasse 

Anzeiger der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wis- 
senschaften in Wien. Philosophisch-historische 

Abhandlungen der Bayerischen Akademie der Wis- 
senschaften. Philosophisch-historische Klasse 



Archiv fiir Begriffsgeschichte: Bausteine zu einem 
historischen Worterbuch der Philosophie 

P. Arndt, F. Bruckmann (ed.), Griechische und ro- 
mische Portrats, 1891 - 1912; E. Lippold (ed.), 
Text vol., 1958 

Annual of the British School at Athens 

L’Antiquite Classique 

Acta conventus neo-latini Lovaniensis, 1973 

Archaiologikon Deltion 

Abhandlungen des Deutschen Archaologischen In- 
stituts Kairo 

J.P. Adam, La construction romaine. Materiaux et 
techniques, 1984 

Abhandlungen der Deutschen Akademie der Wis- 
senschaften zu Berlin. Klasse fiir Sprachen, Literatur 
und Kunst 

Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie 

Annali dell’Istituto di Corrispondenza Archeologica 

L’Annee epigraphique 

Archivo Espanol de Arqueologia 

Archaologisch-epigraphische Mitteilungen aus Os- 

Archiv fiir Orientforschung 

Antike Gemmen in deutschen Sammlungen 4 vols., 

Archiv fiir Geschichte der Medizin 


The Athenian Agora. Results of the Excavations by 
the American School of Classical Studies of Athens, 
1953 ff. 


Archiv fiir Geschichte der Philosophie 

Akten der Gesellschaft fiir griechische und hellenis- 
tische Rechtsgeschichte 

Abhandlungen der Heidelberger Akademie der Wis- 
senschaften. Philosophisch-historische Klasse 

Archive for History of Exact Sciences 

Archives internationales d’histoire des sciences 

Annali del Seminario di Studi del Mondo Classico, 
Sezione di Archeologia e Storia antica 

The Archaeological Journal of the Royal Archaeo- 
logical Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 

American Journal of Archaeology 

American Journal of Ancient History 

Australian Journal of Biblical Archaeology 

American Journal of Numismatics 

American Journal of Philology 

Antike Kunst 

Archiv fiir Kulturgeschichte 

G. Meissner (ed.), Allgemeines Kiinsterlexikon: Die 
bildenden Kiinstler aller Zeiten und Volker, 1 i99i 


Abhandlungen fiir die Kunde des Morgenlandes 

M. v. Albrecht, Geschichte der romischen Litera- 
tur, G994 

G. Alessio, Lexicon etymologicum. Supplemento ai 
Dizionari etimologici latini e romanzi, 1976 

M.C. Alexander, Trials in the Late Roman Repub- 
lic: 149 BC to 50 BC (Phoenix Suppl. Vol. 26), 1990 

A. Alfoldi, Die monarchische Representation im 
romischen Kaiserreiche, 1970, repr. 3 i98o 
Alfoldy, FH 

G. Alfoldy, Fasti Hispanienses. Senatorische 
Reichsbeamte und Offiziere in den spanischen Pro- 
vinzen des romischen Reiches von Augustus bis Dio- 
kletian, 1969 



Alfoldy, Konsulat 

G. Alfoldy, Konsulat und Senatorenstand unter 
den Antoninen. Prosopographische Untersuchungen 
zur senatorischen Fiihrungsschicht (Antiquitas i, 

z 7>, x 977 
Alfoldy, RG 

G. Alfoldy, Die romische Gesellschaft. Ausge- 
wahlte Beitrage, 1986 
Alfoldy, RH 

G. Alfoldy, Romische Heeresgeschichte, 1987 
Alfoldy, RS 

G. Alfoldy, Romische Sozialgeschichte, 3 i984 

Archiv fur lateinische Lexikographie und Gramma- 


B. Altaner, Patrologie. Leben, Schriften und Lehre 
der Kirchenvater, *1980 


Archaologische Mitteilungen aus Iran 
Amyx, Addenda 

C. W. Neeft, Addenda et Corrigenda to D.A. Amyx, 
Corinthian Vase-Painting, 1991 

Amyx, CVP 

D. A. Amyx, Corinthian Vase-Painting of the Ar- 
chaic Period 3 vols., 1988 


Anadolu (Anatolia) 




Ancient Society 

J.G. Anderson, A Journey of Exploration in Pontus 
(Studia pontica 1), 1903 
Anderson Cumont/Gregoire 

J.G. Anderson, F. Cumont, H. Gregoire, Recueil 
des inscriptions grecques et latines du Pont et de l’Ar- 
menie (Studia pontica 3), 1910 
Andre, botan. 

J. Andre, Lexique des termes de botanique en latin, 

Andre, oiseaux 

J. Andre, Les noms d’oiseaux en latin, 1967 
Andre, plantes 

J. Andre, Les noms de plantes dans la Rome an- 
tique, 1985 


K. Andrews, The Castles of Morea, 1933 

J.B. Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relat- 
ing to the Old Testament, 3 i969, repr. 1992 

Annuario della Scuola Archeologica di Atene 

H. Temporini, W. Haase (ed.), Aufstieg und Nie- 
dergang der romischen Welt, 1972 ff. 


Museum Notes. American Numismatic Society 


Antiquites africaines 

Antike und Christentum 

Antike Plastik 

Der Alte Orient 

Alter Orient und Altes Testament 

Archiv fur Papyrusforschung und verwandte Gebie- 

L’Annee philologique 

V. Arangio-Ruiz, Storia del diritto romano, "’1953 

Arcadia. Zeitschrift fur vergleichende Literaturwis- 

Archeologia Classica 

Archaiologike ephemeris 

Archeologija. Organ na Archeologiceskija institut i 
muzej pri B’lgarskata akademija na naukite 

Archaeologia Homerica, i967ff. 


Arte antica e moderna 

Archiv fur Religionswissenschaft 

Anatolian Studies 

Annuario della Scuola Archeologica di Atene e delle 
Missioni italiane in Oriente 

Archiv fur das Studium der neueren Sprachen und 

Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa, Clas- 
se di Lettere e Filosofia 

Die Alten Sprachen 

B. Andreae (ed.). Die antiken Sarkophagreliefs, 
1952 ff. 




B.D. Meritt, H.T. Wade-Gery, M.F. McGrecor, 
Athenian Tribute Lists 4 vols., 1939-53 

Der altsprachliche Unterricht 

H. v. Aulock, Miinzen und Stadte Pisidiens 
(MDAI(Ist) Suppl. 8) 2 vols., 1977-79 




C. Austin (ed.), Comicorum graecorum fragmenta 
in papyris reperta, 1973 

Bolletino d’Arte del Ministero della Publica Istruzi- 

Bulletin de l’Academie Royale de Belgique. Classe 
des Lettres 

Bulletin antieke beschaving. Annual Papers on Clas- 
sical Archaeology 
Badian, Clientelae 

E. Badian, Foreign Clientelae, 1958 
Badian, Imperialism 

E. Badian, Roman Imperialism in the Late Repub- 
lic, 1967 

Baghdader Forschungen 

R.S. Bagnall et al., Consuls of the Later Roman 
Empire (Philological Monographs of the American 
Philological Association 36), 1987 

Balkansko ezikoznanie 

Balkan Studies 

Baghdader Mitteilungen 
Bardenhewer, GAL 

O. Bardenhewer, Geschichte der altkirchlichen Li- 
teratur, Vols. 1-2, *1913 f.; Vols. 3-5, 1912-32; 
repr. Vols. 1-5, 1962 
Bardenhewer, Patr. 

O. Bardenhewer, Patrologie, 3 i9io 

H. Bardon, La litterature latine inconnue 2 vols., 
1952 - 56 

W. Baron (ed.), Beitrage zur Methode der Wissen- 
schaftsgeschichte, 1967 

Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Rese- 


W. Bauer, K. Aland (ed.), Griechisch-deutsches 
Worterbuch zu den Schriften des Neuen Testamen- 
tes und der friihchristlichen Literatur, *’1988 
Baumann, LRRP 

R.A. Bauman, Lawyers in Roman Republican Poli- 
tics. A study of the Roman Jurists in their Political 
Setting, 316-82 BC (Miinchener Beitrage zur Papy- 
rusforschung und antiken Rechtsgeschichte), 1983 
Baumann, LRTP 

R.A. Bauman, Lawyers in Roman Transitional Poli- 
tics. A Study of the Roman Jurists in their Political 
Setting in the Late Republic and Triumvirate (Miin- 
chener Beitrage zur Papyrusforschung und antiken 
Rechtsgeschichte), 1985 


Bezzenbergers Beitrage zur Kunde der indogerma- 
nischen Sprachen 

Bollettino della Commissione Archeologica Comu- 
nale di Roma 

Bulletin de Correspondance Hellenique 

Bulletin epigraphique 
Beazley, ABV 

J.D. Beazley, Attic Black-figure Vase-Painters, 

Beazley, Addenda 1 

TH.H. Carpenter (ed.), Beazley Addenda, 1 i989 
Beazley, ARV 1 

J.D. Beazley, Attic Red-figure Vase-Painters, 

Beazley, EVP 

J.D. Beazley, Etruscan Vase Painting, 1947 
Beazley, Paralipomena 

J. D. Beazley, Paralipomena. Additions to Attic 
Black-figure Vase-Painters and to Attic Red-figure 
Vase-Painters, 1 i97i 

Bechtel, Dial. 1 

F. Bechtel, Die griechischen Dialekte 3 vols., 
Bechtel, Dial. 1 

F. Bechtel, Die griechischen Dialekte 3 vols., 

Bechtel, HPN 

F. Bechtel, Die historischen Personennamen des 
Griechischen bis zur Kaiserzeit, 1917 

K. Belke, Galatien und Lykaonien (Denkschriften 
der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 
Philosophisch-Flistorische Klasse 172; TIB 4), 1984 


K. Belke, N. Mersich, Phrygien und Pisidien 
(Denkschriften der Osterreichischen Akademie der 
Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse 
21 1; TIB 7), 1990 

K.E. Bell, Place-Names in Classical Mythology, 
Greece, 1989 
Beloch, Bevolkerung 

K.J. Beloch, Die Bevolkerung der griechisch-romi- 
schen Welt, 1886 
Beloch, GG 

K.J. Beloch, Griechische Geschichte 4 vols., 
1 i9i2-27, repr. 1967 
Beloch, RG 

K.J. Beloch, Romische Geschichte bis zum Beginn 
der Punischen Kriege, 1926 

H. Bengtson, Die Strategie in der hellenistischen 
Zeit. Ein Beitrag zum antiken Staatsrecht (Miinche- 
ner Beitrage zur Papyrusforschung und antiken 
Rechtsgeschichte 26, 32, 36) 3 vols., 1937-52, ed. 
repr. 1964-67 




E.H. Berger, Geschichte der wissenschaftlichen 
Erdkunde der Griechen, *1903 

H. Berve, Das Alexanderreich auf prosopographi- 
scher Grundlage, 1926 

H. G. Beyen, Die pompejanische Wanddekoration 
vom zweiten bis zum vierten Stil 2 vols., 1938-60 

Bolletino di filologia classica 

Agyptische (Griechische) Urkunden aus den Kaiser- 
lichen (from Vol. 6 on Staatlichen) Museen zu Berlin 
13 vols., 1895-1976 

Bulletin of the History of Medicine 

Bulletin de l’Institut framjais d’Archeologie Orien- 


Bibliotheque d’Humanisme et Renaissance 

Bibliographie linguistique / Linguistic Bibliography 

Bulletin de l’Institut Beige de Rome 

E. Bickermann, Chronologie (Einleitung in die Al- 
tertumswissenschaft III 5), 1933 


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Syme, AA 

R. Syme, The Augustan Aristocracy, 1986 
Syme, RP 

E. Badian (Vols. 1,2), A.R. Birley (Vols. 3-7) (ed.) 
R. Syme, Roman Papers 7 vols., 1979-91 
Syme, RR 

K. Syme, The Roman Revolution, 1939 
Syme, Tacitus 

R. Syme, Tacitus 2 vols., 1958 

Symposion, Akten der Gesellschaft fur Griechische 
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Syria. Revue d’art oriental et d’archeologie 

Tituli Asiae minoris, 1901 ff. 


Transactions and Proceedings of the American 
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R. Taubenschlag, The law of Greco-Roman Egypt 
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H. Brunner, W. Rollig (ed.), Tubinger Atlas des 
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Teheraner Forschungen 

A. Nauck (ed.), Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, 
2 i 889, 2nd repr. 1983 


H. Stephanus, C. B. Hase, W. und L. Dindorf et 
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Thesaurus linguae Latinae, 1900 ff. 

ThIL, Onom. 

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1907-1913; Vol. 3 (D - Donusa), 1918-1923 

Theologische Literaturzeitung Monatsschrift fur das 
gesamte Gebiet der Theologie und Religionswissen- 

B. E. Thomasson, Laterculi Praesidum 3 vols. in 5 
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A. Thumb, E. Kieckers, Handbuch der griechi- 
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G. Kittel, G. Friedrich (ed.), Theologisches Wor- 
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H. Hunger (ed.). Tabula Imperii Byzantini 7 vols., 


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Y. Tsafrir, L. Di Segni, J. Green, Tabula Imperii 
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A. Tovar, Iberische Landeskunde 2: Die Volker und 
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Vol. 2: Lusitanien, 1976; Vol. 3:Tarraconensis, 1989 
Toynbee, Hannibal 

A.J. Toynbee, Hannibal’s legacy. The Hannibalic 
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Toynbee, Tierwelt 

J.M.C. Toynbee, Tierwelt der Antike, 1983 

Transactions of the Philological Society Oxford 
Traill, Attica 

J. S. Traill, The Political Organization of Attica, 

Traill, PAA 

J. S. Traill, Persons of Ancient Athens, 1994 ff. 
Travlos, Athen 

J. Travlos, Bildlexikon zur Topographie des anti- 
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Travlos, Attika 

J. Travlos, Bildlexikon zur Topographie des anti- 
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G. Krause, G. Muller (ed.), Theologische Realen- 
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S. Treggiari, Roman Marriage. Iusti Coniuges 
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O. Treitinger, Die Ostromische Kaiser- und Reich- 
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Trendall, Lucania 

A.D. Trendall, The Red-figured Vases of Lucania, 
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Trendall, Paestum 

A.D. Trendall, The Red-figured Vases of Paestum, 


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O. Ribbeck (ed. ), Tragicorum Romanorum Frag- 
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Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der alt- 
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O. Kaiser (ed.), Texte aus der Umwelt des Alten 
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Turk arkeoloji dergisi 

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Vestnik Drevnej Istorii 

M. Ventris, J. Chadwick, Documents in Mycene- 
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E. Vetter, Handbuch der italischen Dialekte, 1953 

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F. Wehrli (ed.), Das Erbe der Antike, 1963 
Wehrli, Schule 

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L. Wenger, Die Quellen des romischen Rechts 
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I. Wernicke, Die Kelten in Italien. Die Einwande- 
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K.D. White, Roman Farming, 1970 
White, Technology 

K.D. White, Greek and Roman Technology, 1983, 
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D. Whitehead, The denies of Attica, 1986 

C.R. Whittaker (ed.). Pastoral Economies in Clas- 
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S. Wide, Lakonische Kulte, 1893 
Wieacker, PGN 

F. Wieacker, Privatrechtsgeschichte der Neuzeit, 

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U. v. Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Der Glaube 
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Wissenschaftliche Veroffentlichungen der Deut- 
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Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes 

Yale Classical Studies 

Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie und Vorderasiatische 


Zeitschrift fur agyptische Sprache und Altertums- 

Zeitschrift fur die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 
Zazoff, AG 

P. Zazoff, Die antiken Gemmen, 1983 
Zazoff, GuG 

P. Zazoff, H. Zazoff, Gemmensammler und 
Gemmenforscher. Von einer noblen Passion zur 
Wissenschaft, 1983 

Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenliindischen Gesell- 

Zeitschrift fur deutsche Philologie 

E. Zeller, Die Philosophic der Griechen in ihrer ge- 
schichtlichen Entwicklung 4 vols., 1844-52, repr. 


E. Zeller, R. Mondolfo, La filosofia dei Greci nel 
suo sviluppo storico, Vol. 3, 1961 

Zeitschrift fur Numismatilc 

L. Zgusta, Kleinasiatische Ortsnamen, 1984 

G. Zimmer, Romische Berufsdarstellungen, 1982 

Zeitschrift fur Kirchengeschichte 

Zeitschrift fiir die Neutestamentfiche Wissenschaft 
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Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palastina-Vereins 

Zeitschrift fiir Papyrologie und Epigraphik 

Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung fiir Rechtsgeschich- 
te. Romanistische Abteilung 

Zeitschrift fiir Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 

Zeitschrift fiir vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft 

Zeitschrift fiir Vergleichende Sprachforschung 

4 . Ancient Authors and Titles of Works 




Act. Arv. 

Act. lud. saec. 



Achilles Tatius 

Acta fratrum Arvalium 

Acta ludorum saecularium 




Acts of the Apostles 








Aetheriae peregrinatio 



Ael. Ep. 

Aelianus, Epistulae 




De natura animalium 




Varia historia 



Aen. Tact. 

Aeneas Tacticus 



Aesch. Ag. 

Aeschylus, Agamemnon 

App. Verg. 

Appendix Vergiliana 



Apul. Apol. 

Apuleius, Apologia 














Septem adversus Thebas 







Aeschin. In Ctes. 

Aeschines, In Ctesiphontem 




De falsa legatione 

Arist. Quint. 

Aristides Quintilianus 

In Tim. 

In Timarchum 






Aelius Aristides 





Ale. Avit. 

Alcimus Ecdicius Avitus 

Aristoph. Ach. 

Aristophanes, Acharnenses 

Alex. Aphr. 

Alexander of Aphrodisias 











Alex. Polyh. 

Alexander Polyhistor 







Ambr. Epist. 

Ambrosius, Epistulae 



Exc. Sat. 

De excessu Fratris (Satyri) 



Obit. Theod. 

De obitu Theodosii 



Obit. Valent. 

De obitu Valentiniani (iunioris) 




De officiis ministrorum 




De paenitentia 

Aristot. An. 

Aristotle, De anima (Becker 1831- 

Amm. Marc. 

Ammianus Marcellinus 




An. post. 

Analytica posteriora 



An. pr. 

Analytica priora 



Ath. Pol. 

Athenaion Politeia 




De audibilibus 




De caelo 

Anecd. Bekk. 

Anecdota Graeca ed. I. Bekker 



Anecd. Par. 

Anecdota Graeca ed. J.A. Kramer 


De coloribus 

Anon. De rebus 

Anonymus de rebus bellicis (Ireland 


De divinatione 



Eth. Eud. 

Ethica Eudemia 

Anth. Gr. 

Anthologia Graeca 

Eth. Nic. 

Ethica Nicomachea 

Anth. Lat. 

Anthologia Latina (Riese 

Gen. an. 

De generatione animalium 

1 i 894 /i 9 o 6 ) 

Gen. corr. 

De generatione et corruptione 

Anth. Pal. 

Anthologia Palatina 

Hist. an. 

Historia animalium 

Anth. Plan. 

Anthologia Planudea 

Mag. mor. 

Magna moralia 













Apoll. Rhod. 

Apollonius Rhodius 

Mot. an. 

De motu animalium 


Apollodorus, Library 


De mundo 

App. B Civ. 

Appianus, Bella civilia 





Part. an. 

De partibus animalium 

























Cato Agr. 

Cato, De agri cultura 

Rh. Al. 

Rhetorica ad Alexandrum 


Origines (HRR) 


De sensu 


Catullus, Carmina 


De somno et vigilia 

Celsus, Med. 

Cornelius Celsus, De medicina 

Soph. el. 

Sophistici elenchi 

Celsus, Dig. 

Iuventius Celsus, Digesta 


De spiritu 

Censorinus, DN 

Censorinus, De die natali 





Aristox. Harm. 

Aristoxenus, Harmonica 


Charisius, Ars grammatica (Bar- 


Arnobius, Adversus nationes 


wick 1964) 

Arr. Anab. 

Arrianus, Anabasis 

1 Chr, 2 Chr 




Chron. pasch. 

Chronicon paschale 



Chron. min. 

Chronica minora 

Peripl. p. eux. 

Periplus ponti Euxini 

Cic. Acad. 1 

Cicero, Academicorum posterio- 


Historia successorum Alexandri 

rum liber 1 



Acad. 2 

Lucullus sive Academicorum pri- 



orum liber 2 


Asconius (Stangl Vol. 2, 1912) 

Ad Q. Fr. 

Epistulae ad Quintum fratrem 

Athan. ad Const. 

Athanasius, Apologia ad Constan- 


Aratea (Soubiran 1972) 



Pro Archia poeta 

c. Ar. 

Apologia contra Arianos 


Epistulae ad Atticum 


Apologia de fuga sua 


Pro L. Balbo 

Hist. Ar. 

Historia Arianorum ad mona- 





Pro A. Caecina 


Athenaeus (Casaubon 1597) (List 


Pro M. Caelio 

of books, pages, letters) 


In Catilinam 

Aug. Civ. 

Augustinus, De civitate dei 


Cato maior de senectute 




Pro A. Cluentio 

Doctr. christ. 

De doctrina Christiana 

De or. 

De oratore 




Pro rege Deiotaro 




De divinatione 



Div. Caec. 

Divinatio in Q. Caecilium 




De domo sua 


De trinitate 


Epistulae ad familiares 

Aur. Viet. 

Aurelius Victor 


De fato 

Auson. Mos. 

Ausonius, Mosella (Peiper 1976) 


De finibus bonorum et malorum 


Ordo nobilium urbium 


Pro L. Valerio Flacco 


Collectio Avellana 


Pro M. Fonteio 



Har. resp. 

De haruspicum responso 




De inventione 




Laelius de amicitia 




De legibus 


Basilicorum libri LX (Heimbach) 

Leg. agr. 

De lege agraria 




Pro Q. Ligario 



Leg. Man. 

Pro lege Manilia (de imperio Cn. 

Bell. Afr. 

Bellum Africum 


Bell. Alex. 

Bellum Alexandrinum 


Pro M. Marcello 

Bell. Hisp. 

Bellum Hispaniense 


Pro T. Annio Milone 




Pro L. Murena 

Caes. B Civ. 

Caesar, De bello civili 

Nat. D. 

De natura deorum 

B Gall. 

De bello Gallico 


De officiis 

Callim. Epigr. 

Callimachus, Epigrammata 

Opt. Gen. 

De optimo genere oratorum 


Fragmentum (Pfeiffer) 





P. Red. Quir. 

Oratio post reditum ad Quirites 

Calp. Eel. 

Calpurnius Siculus, Eclogae 

P. Red. Sen. 

Oratio post reditum in senatu 

Cass. Dio 

Cassius Dio 




Iohannes Cassianus 

Part. or. 

Partitiones oratoriae 

Cassiod. Inst. 

Cassiodorus, Institutiones 


In M. Antonium orationes Phi- 







Libri philosophici 

Dionys. Per. 

Dionysius Periegeta 


In L. Pisonem 

Dion. Thrax 

Dionysius Thrax 


Pro Cn. Plancio 


Diels /Kranz (preceded by fragment 

Prov. cons. 

De provinciis consularibus 


Q. Rose. 

Pro Q. Roscio comoedo 


Donatus grammaticus 


Pro P. Quinctio 



Rab. perd. 

Pro C. Rabirio perduellionis reo 


Deuteronomy = 5. Moses 

Rah. Post. 

Pro C. Rabirio Postumo 

Edict, praet. dig. 

Edictum perpetuum in Dig. 


De re publica 



Rose. Am. 

Pro Sex. Roscio Amerino 

Enn. Ann. 

Ennius, Annales (Skutsch 1985) 


Pro M. Aemilio Scauro 


Saturae (Vahlen •‘1928) 


Pro P. Sestio 


Fragmenta scaenica (Vahlen 


Pro P. Sulla 









Letter to the Ephesians 


Pro M. Tullio 


Ephorus of Cyme (FGrH 70) 


Tusculanae disputationes 




In P. Vatinium testem interroga- 






Verr. i, z 

In Verrem actio prima, secunda 



Claud. Carm. 

Claudius Claudianus, Carmina 



(Hall 1985) 

Et. Gen. 

Etymologicum genuinum 

Rapt. Pros. 

De raptu Proserpinae 

Et. Gud. 

Etymologicum Gudianum 

Clem. Al. 

Clemens Alexandrinus 


Etymologicum magnum 

Cod. Greg. 

Codex Gregorianus 


Euclides, Elementa 

Cod. Herm. 

Codex Hermogenianus 

Eunap. VS 

Eunapius, Vitae sophistarum 

Cod. lust. 

Corpus Iuris Civilis, Codex Iustini- 

Eur. Ale. 

Euripides, Alcestis 

anus (Krueger 1900) 



Cod. Theod. 

Codex Theodosianus 




Letter to the Colossians 




Mosaicarum et Romanarum legum 















Consultatio veteris cuiusdam iuris- 





Hercules Furens 


Constitutio Sirmondiana 



i Cor, 2 Cor 

Letters to the Corinthians 








Curtius Rufus, Historiae Alexandri 


Iphigenia Aulidensis 



Iphigenia Taurica 





















Dem. Or. 

Demosthenes, Orationes 




Corpus Iuris Civilis, Digesta 

Euseb. Dem. 

Eusebios, Demonstratio Evangelica 

(Mommsen 1905, author pres- 


ented where applicable) 

Hist. eccl. 

Historia Ecclesiastica 

Diod. Sic. 

Diodorus Siculus 


Onomasticon (Klostermann 

Diog. Laert. 

Diogenes Laertius 



Diomedes, Ars grammatica 

Praep. evang. 

Praeparatio Evangelica 

Dion. Chrys. 

Dion Chrysostomus 



Dion. Hal. Ant. 

Dionysius Halicarnasseus, Antiqui- 




tates Romanae 

Ev. Ver. 

Evangelium Veritatis 


De compositione verborum 


Exodus = 2. Moses 


Ars rhetorica 










Festus (Lindsay 1913) 

H. Horn. 

Hymni Homerici 

Firm. Mat. 

Firmicus Maternus 

Horn. 11 . 

Homerus, Ilias 

Flor. Epit. 

Florus, Epitoma de Tito Livio 





Hor. Ars P. 

Horatius, Ars poetica 

Frontin. Aq. 

Frontinus, De aquae ductu urbis 




Carm. saec. 

Carmen saeculare 






Fulgentius Afer 



Fulg. Rusp. 

Fulgentius Ruspensis 


Satirae (sermones) 

Gai. Inst. 

Gaius, Institutiones 




Letter to the Galatians 

Hyg. Astr. 

Hyginus, Astronomica (Le Boeuffle 




Cell. NA 

Gellius, Noctes Atticae 



Geogr. Rav 

Geographus Ravennas (Schnetz 




Iambi. Myst. 

Iamblichus, De mysteriis 




Protrepticus in philosophiam 


Genesis = 1. Moses 


De vita Pythagorica 




Iavolenus Priscus 

Greg. M. Dial. 

Gregorius Magnus, Dialogi (de mi- 

Inst. lust. 

Corpus Juris Civilis, Institutiones 

raculis patrum Italicorum) 

(Krueger 1905) 



Ioh. Chrys. Epist. 

Iohannes Chrysostomus, Epistulae 


Regula pastoralis 

Horn. ... 

Homiliae in ... 

Greg. Naz. Epist. 

Gregorius Nazianzenus, Epistulae 

Ioh. Mai. 

Iohannes Malalas, Chronographia 



lord. Get. 

Iordanes, De origine actibusque Ge- 

Greg. Nyss. 

Gregorius Nyssenus 


Greg. Tur. Franc. 

Gregorius of Tours, Historia Fran- 


Irenaeus (Rousseau/Doutreleau 




De virtutibus Martini 



Vit. patr. 

De vita patrum 

Isid. Nat. 

Isidorus, De natura rerum 







Isoc. Or. 

Isocrates, Orationes 



It. Ant. 

Itinerarium, Antonini 






Letter to the Hebrews 


Burdigalense vel Hierosolymita- 


Hegesippus (= Flavius Josephus) 






Hell. Oxy. 

Hellennica Oxyrhynchia 

Iul. Viet. Rhet. 

C. Iulius Victor, Ars rhetorica 




Iuvencus, Evangelia (Huemer 


Hephaestio grammaticus (Alexan- 




Letter of James 





Heraclid. Pont. 

Heraclides Ponticus 



Here. O. 

Hercules Oetaeus 




Hermes Trismegistus 

Jer. Chron. 

Jerome, Chronicon 

Herm. Mand. 

Hermas, Mandata 

Comm, in Ez. 

Commentaria in Ezechielem (PL 



2 - 5 ) 








Onomasticon (Klostermann 




Hes. Cat. 

Hesiodus, Catalogus feminarum 

Vir. ill. 

De viris illustribus 

(Merkelbach /West 1967) 

i -3 J° 

1st - 3rd letters of John 


Opera et dies 




Scutum (Merkelbach 




Jos. Ant. Iud. 

Josephus, Antiquitates Iudaicae 




Belluni Iudaicum 




Contra Apionem 




De sua vita 






De saltatione 


Letter of Judas 



Julian. Ep. 

Julianus, Epistulae 



In Gal. 

In Galilaeos 

Syr. D. 

De Syria dea 







Ver. hist. 

Verae historiae, 1, 2 



Vit. auct. 

Vitarum auctio 

Just. Epit. 

Justinus, Epitoma historiarum Phi- 


Leviticus = 3 . Moses 




Justin. Apol. 

Justinus Martyr, Apologia 

Lydus, Mag. 

Lydus, De magistratibus 


Dialogus cum Tryphone 


De mensibus 


Juvenalis, Saturae 



i Kg, 2 Kg 

i, i Kings 




Khania (place where Linear B tables 



were discovered) 

M. Aur. 

Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Augus- 


Knossos (place where Linear B ta- 


bles were discovered) 

Macrob. Sat. 

Macrobius, Saturnalia 

Lactant. Div. 

Lactantius, Divinae institutiones 

In Somn. 

Commentarii in Ciceronis som- 


nium Scipionis 


De ira dei 

1 Macc, 2 Macc 


De mort. pers. 

De mortibus persecutorum 




De opificio dei 


Manilius, Astronomica (Goold 




Lex Irnit. 

Lex Irnitana 

Mar. Viet. 

Marius Victorinus 

Lex Malac. 

Lex municipii Malacitani 



Lex Ruhr. 

Lex Rubria de Gallia cisalpina 

Mart. Cap. 

Martianus Capella 

Lex Salpens. 

Lex municipii Salpensani 

Max. Tyr. 

Maximus Tyrius (Trapp 1994) 

Lex Urson. 

Lex coloniae Iuliae Genetivae Ur- 


Pomponius Mela 




Lex Visig. 

Leges Visigothorum 

Men. Dys. 

Menander, Dyskolos 

Lex XII tab. 

Lex duodecim tabularum 



Lib. Ep. 

Libanius, Epistulae 


Pragmentum (Korte) 






Livius, Ab urbe condita 








Lucanus, Bellum civile 




Lucilius, Saturae (Marx 1904) 

Min. Pel. 

Minucius Pelix, Octavius (Kytzler 


Lucretius, De rerum natura 

I982, 1 i992) 

Lucian. Alex. 

Lucianus, Alexander 






Herennius Modestinus 


Calumniae non temere creden- 









Mycenae (place where Linear B ta- 



bles were discovered) 

Dial. D. 

Dialogi deorum 


Naevius (carmina according to 

Dial, meret. 

Dialogi meretricium 


Dial. mort. 

Dialogi mortuorum 











Hist, conscr. 

Quomodo historia conscribenda 

Nep. Att. 

Cornelius Nepos, Atticus 





Adversus indoctum 

Nic. Alex. 

Nicander, Alexipharmaca 

Iupp. trag. 

Iuppiter tragoedus 




De luctu 






Numbers = 4. Moses 




Nonius Marcellus (L. Mueller 






Nonnus, Dion. 

Nonnus, Dionysiaca 



Not. Dign. Occ. 

Notitia dignitatum occidentis 

Pall. Agric. 

Palladius, Opus agriculturae 

Not. Dign. Or. 

Notitia dignitatum orientis 


Historia Lausiaca 

Not. Episc. 

Notitia dignitatum et episcoporum 

Pan. Lat. 

Panegyrici Latini 


Corpus Iuris Civilis, Leges Novellae 


Aemilius Papinianus 

(Schoell/Kroll 1904) 


Paroemiographi Graeci 


Julius Obsequens, Prodigia (Ross- 

Pass. mart. 

Passiones martyrum 

bach 1910) 

Paul Fest. 

Paulus Diaconus, Epitoma Festi 

Opp. Hal. 

Oppianus, Halieutica 

Paul Nol. 

Paulinus Nolanus 



Paulus, Sent. 

Julius Paulus, Sententiae 

Or. Sib. 

Oracula Sibyllina 









Peripl. m. eux. 

Periplus maris Euxini 


Prayer to Manasseh 

Peripl. m.m. 

Periplus maris magni 



Peripl. m.r. 

Periplus maris rubri 

Orph. A. 

Orpheus, Argonautica 


Persius, Saturae 


Fragmentum (Kern) 

1 Petr, 2 Petr 

Letters of Peter 



Petron. Sat. 

Petronius, Satyrica (Muller 1961) 

Ov. Am. 

Ovidius, Amores 


Phaedrus, Fabulae (Guaglianone 

Ars am. 

Ars amatoria 



Epistulae (Heroides) 


Letter to the Philippians 







Philarg. Verg. eel. 

Philargyrius grammaticus, Expla- 


Medicamina faciei femineae 

natio in eclogas Vergilii 






Epistulae ex Ponto 



Rem. am. 

Remedia amoris 

Philostr. VA 

Philostratus, Vita Apollonii 






Papyrus editions according to E.G. 


Vitae sophistarum 

Turner, Greek Papyri. An Intro- 


Letter to Philemon 

duction, 159-178 


Photius (Bekker 1824) 

P Abinn. 

Papyrus editions according to H.I. 



Belletal. (ED.),The Abinnaeus 

Pind. Fr. 

Pindar, Fragments (Snell/Maehler) 

Archive papers of a Roman offic- 


Isthmian Odes 

er in the reign of Constantius II, 


Nemean Odes 



Olympian Odes 

P Bodmer 

Papyrus editions according to V. 



Martin, R. Kasser et al. (ed.), 


Pythian Odes 

Papyrus Bodmer i954ff. 

PI. Ale. 1 

Plato, Alcibiades 1 (Stephanus) 


Papyrus editions according to C.C. 

Ale. 2 

Alcibiades 2 

Edgar (ed.), Zenon Papyri 



(Catalogue general des Antiqui- 



tes egyptiennes du Musee du Cai- 



re) 4 vols., i925ff. 



P Hercul. 

Papyrus editions according to Pa- 



pyri aus Herculaneum 



P Lond. 

Papyrus editions according to F.G. 



Kenyon et al. (ed.), Greek Pa- 



pyri in the British Museum 7 



vols., 1893-1974 



P Mich 

Papyrus editions according to C.C. 



Edgar, A.E.R. Boak, J.G. Win- 



ter et al. (ed.). Papyri in the 



University of Michigan Collecti- 



on 13 vols., 1931-1977 




Papyrus editions according to B.P. 



Grenfell, A.S. Hunt et al. 

Hp. mai. 

Hippias maior 

(ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, 

Hp. mi. 

Hippias minor 

1898 ff. 








Quaestiones Graecae (with 




chapter numbers) 



Quaest. Rom. 

Quaestiones Romanae (with ch. 







Quaestiones convivales (book, 



chapter, page number) 







Pol. Silv. 

Polemius Silvius 







Polyaenus, Strat. 

Polyaenus, Strategemata 




Polycarpus, Letter 




Sextus Pomponius 



Pomp. Trog. 

Pompeius Trogus 


Res publica 





Porph. Hor. 

Porphyrio, Commentum in Horatii 




















Pseudo-Probian writings 

Plaut. Amph. 

Plautus, Amphitruo (fr. according 

Procop. Aed. 

Procopius, De aedificiis 

to Leo 1895 f-) 


Bellum Gothicum 




Bellum Persicum 




Bellum Vandalicum 




Historia arcana 








Propertius, Elegiae 




Prosper Tiro 











Ps (Pss) 





Ps.-Acro in Horatium 


Miles gloriosus 

Ps.-Aristot. Lin. 

Pseudo-Aristotle, De lineis inseca- 











Ps.-Sall. In Tull. 

Pseudo-Sallustius, In M.Tullium Ci- 



ceronem invectiva 




Epistulae ad Caesarem senem de 



re publica 



Ptol. Aim. 

Ptolemy, Almagest 





Plin. HN 

Plinius maior, Naturalis historia 



Plin. Ep. 

Plinius minor, Epistulae 






Pylos (place where Linear B tablets 



were discovered) 


Plutarchus, Vitae parallelae (with 

4 Q Flor 

Florilegium, Cave 4 

the respective name) 

4 Q Patr 

Patriarch’s blessing, Cave 4 


Amatorius (chapter and page 

1 Q pHab 

Habakuk-Midrash, Cave 1 


4 Q pNah 

Nahum-Midrash, Cave 4 

De def. or. 

De defectu oraculorum 

4 Q test 

Testimonia, Cave 4 


De E apud Delphos 

1 QH 

Songs of Praise, Cave 1 

De Pyth. or. 

De Pythiae oraculis 

1 QM 

War list, Cave 1 

De sera 

De sera numinis vindicta 

1 QS 

Comunal rule, Cave 1 

De Is. et Os. 

De Iside et Osiride (with chapter 

1 QSa 

Community rule, Cave 1 

and page numbers) 

1 QSb 

Blessings, Cave 1 


Moralia (apart front the sepa- 

Quint. Smyrn. 

Quintus Smyrnaeus 

rately mentioned works; with p. 

Quint. Deck 

Quintilianus, Declamationes mino- 


res (Shackleton Bailey 1989) 




Institutio oratoria 


Gallieni duo 

R. Gest. div. Aug. 

Res gestae divi Augusti 


Gordiani tres 

Rhet. Her. 

Rhetorica ad C. Herennium 




Letter to the Romans 





Max. Balb. 

Maximus et Balbus 


Tyrannius Rufinus 


Opilius Macrinus 

Rut. Namat. 

Rutilius Claudius Namatianus, De 


Helvius Pertinax 

reditu suo 

Pesc. Nig. 

Pescennius Niger 

S. Sol. 

Song of Solomon 


Antoninus Pius 

Sext. Emp. 

Sextus Empiricus 

Quadr. tyr. 

Quadraginta tyranni 





Sail. Catil. 

Sallustius, De coniuratione Catili- 




Tyr. Trig. 

Triginta Tyranni 




Valeriani duo 


De bello Iugurthino 

Sid. Apoll. Carm. 

Apollinaris Sidonius, Carmina 

Salv. Gub. 

Salvianus, De gubernatione dei 



i Sam, 2 Sam 


Sil. Pun. 

Silius Italicus, Punica 

Schol. (before an 

Scholia to the author in question 








Jesus Sirach 




Scylax, Periplus 

Sen. Controv. 

Seneca maior, Controversiae 


Scymnus, Periegesis 




Socrates, Historia ecclesiastica 

Sen. Ag. 

Seneca minor, Agamemno 




Divi Claudii apocolocyntosis 




De beneficiis 

Soph. Aj. 

Sophocles, Ajax 


De dementia (Hosius 1 i9i4) 








Epistulae morales ad Lucilium 



Here. f. 

Hercules furens 


Oedipus Coloneus 




Oedipus Tyrannus 

Q Nat. 

Naturales quaestiones 









Sor. Gyn. 

Soranus, Gynaecia 



Sozom. Hist. 

Sozomenus, Historia ecclesiastica 





De tranquillitate animi 

Stat. Achil. 

Statius, Achilleis 





Serv. auct. 

Servius auctus Danielis 



Serv. Aen. 

Servius, Commentarius in Vergilii 

Steph. Byz. 

Stephanus Byzantius 





Commentarius in Vergilii eclogas 




Commentarius in Vergilii geor- 


Strabo (books, chapters) 



Suda = Suidas 

Sext. Emp. 

Sextus Empiricus 

Suet. Aug. 

Suetonius, Divus Augustus (Ihm 

SHA Ael. 

Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Ae- 






Clodius Albinus 


Divus Claudius 

Alex. Sev. 

Alexander Severus 




M. Aurelius 


De grammaticis (Raster 1995) 




Divus Iulius 

Avid. Cass. 

Avidius Cassius 


Divus Tiberius 


Carus et Carinus et Numerianus 


Divus Titus 


Antoninus Caracalla 


Divus Vespasianus 







Sulp. Sev. 

Sulpicius Severus 


Diadumenus Antoninus 

Symmachus, Ep. 

Symmachus, Epistulae 

Did. Iul. 

Didius Iulianus 







Val. FI. 

Valerius Flaccus, Argonautica 

Synes. epist. 

Synesius, Epistulae 

Val. Max. 

Valerius Maximus, Facta et dicta 




Tab. Peut. 

Tabula Peutingeriana 

Varro, Ling. 

Varro, De lingua Latina 

Tac. Agr. 

Tacitus, Agricola 


Res rusticae 



Sat. Men. 

Saturae Menippeae (Astbury 


Dialogus de oratoribus 





Fragmenta Vaticana 



Veg. Mil. 

Vegetius, Epitoma rei militaris 

Ter. Maur. 

Terentianus Maurus 

Veil. Pat. 

Velleius Paterculus, Historiae 

Ter. Ad. 

Terentius, Adelphoe 




Ven. Fort. 

Venantius Fortunatus 



Verg. Aen. 

Vergilius, Aeneis 













Tert. Apol. 

Tertullianus, Apologeticum 

Vir. ill. 

De viris illustribus 

Ad nat. 

Ad nationes (Borleffs 1954) 

Vitr. De arch. 

Vitruvius, De architectura 


Thebes (place where Linear B tables 



were discovered) 



Them. Or. 

Themistius, Orationes 

Xen. Ages. 

Xenophon, Agesilaus 





Theod. Epist. 

Theodoretus, Epistulae 



Gr. aff. Cur. 

Graecarum affectionum curatio 

Ath. pol. 

Athenaion politeia 

Hist. eccl. 

Historia ecclesiastica 







Theophr. Caus. 

Theophrastus, De causis plantarum 


De equitandi ratione 


Eq. mag. 

De equitum magistro 





Hist. pi. 

Historia plantarum 



i Thess, 2 Thess 

Letters to the Thessalonians 


Respublica Lacedaemoniorum 










Tiryns (place where Linear B tablets 



were discovered) 


De vectigalibus 


Tibullus, Elegiae 



i Tint, 2 Tim 

Letters to Timothy 




Letter to Titus 







Tzetz. Anteh. 

Tzetzes, Antehomerica 












Ulpianus (Ulpiani regulae) 

List of Authors 

Altekamp, Stefan 
Apel, Hans Jurgen 
Arbeiter, Achim 
Bachmaier, Helmut 
Babler, Balbina 
Behrwald, Ralf 
Berger, Albrecht 
Berges, Dietrich 
Bergfeld, Christoph 
Bichler, Reinhold 
Borgmeier, Raimund 
Boschenstein, Renate 
Boschung, Dietrich 
Bouzek, Jan 
Bredow, Iris von 

Brunet, Michele Moretti, Jean-Charles 

Brunner, Karl 

Busch, Werner 

Christof, Eva 

Crusemann, Nicola 

Csapodi, Csaba 

Dally, Ortwin 

Dierse, Ulrich 

Dohl, Hartmut G. 

Dolemeyer, Barbara 
Doring, Klaus 
Dolezalek, Gero 
Dominik, William J. 

Drost-Abgarjan, Armenuhi 
Dyson, Stephen L. 

Effenberger, Arne 

Eickhoff, Birgit 

El-Abbadi, Mostafa 

Eleuteri, Paolo 

Febel, Gisela 

Feistner, Edith 

Fischer, Klaus 

Fischer, Wolfdietrich 

Fornaro, Sotera 

Forssman, Bernhard 

Forssman, Berthold 

Frahm, Eckart 

Freyberger, Klaus Stefan 

Frielinghaus, Heide 

Frobenius, Wolf, Barth, Andreas 

Gaul?, Walter 

Gechter, Marianne 

Geerlings, Wilhelm 

Geus, Klaus 

Gnilka, Christian 

Graf, Fritz 

Greiner, Bernhard 
Groppe, Carola 
Grosse, Max 
Gunther, Hubertus 
Gunther, Linda-Marie 
Guthmiiller, Bodo 
Hartmann, Elke 
Hartmann, Jana 
Hauser, Stefan R. 

Helas, Philine 

Hellwig, Karin Wenzel, Carola 
Hetzer, Armin 
Hinz, Berthold 
Hosek, Radislav 
Hocker, Christoph 
Holter, Achim 
Hiinemorder, Christian 
Irmscher (f), Johannes 
Jakobi-Mirwald, Christine 
Kader, Ingeborg 
Kern, Manfred 
Kilian, Barbara 
Koerrenz, Ralf 
Kopka, Alex 
Krasser, Helmut 
Kreikenbom, Detlev 
Kuhlmann, Peter 
Kuhn-Chen, Barbara 
Kiimmerling-Meibauer, Bettina 
Kytzler, Bernhard 
Landfester, Manfred 
Losek, Fritz 
Lohr, Charles H. 

Luck, Heiner 
Luig, Klaus 
Eickhoff, Birgit 
Makris, Georgios 
Masek, Miro 
Marshall, Peter K. 

Martinkova, Dana 
Matthaus, Hartmut 
Meier, Hans-Rudolf 
Meier, Mischa 
Mergenthaler, Volker 
Michel, Raphael 
Mohnhaupt, Heinz 
Moser, Christian 
Miiller-Richter, Klaus 
Naf, Beat 

Niemeyer, Hans Georg 
Nutton, Vivian 


Pena, P. Badenas De La 

Pfarr, Ulrich 

Pingel, Vollcer 

Raeburn, David Antony 

Ranieri, Filippo 

Ratkowitsch, Christine 

Rebenich, Stefan 

Reinsch, Diether Roderich 

Renger, Johannes 

Repgen, Tilman 

Reudenbach, Bruno 

Rheidt, Klaus 

Ricken, Friedo 

Rollinger, Robert 

Rommel, Bettina 

Rudolph, Kurt 

Rudolph, Wolf 

Riipke, Jorg 

Saleh, Mohamed 

Schalles, Hans-Joachim 

Scharf, Friedhelm 

Schevtschenko, Galina Ivanovna 

Schiering, Wolfgang 

Schlesier, Renate 

Schmidt-Dengler, Wendelin 

Schmitz, Thomas A. 

Schneider, Helmuth 
Schneider, Jakob Hans Josef 
Schulze, Christian 
Schulze, Janine 
Schupp, Volker 
Schiitte, Sven 

Schwandner, Ernst-Ludwig 
Schweizer, Beat 
Schweizer, Stefan 

Sguaitamatti, Lorenzo 
Stark, Ekkehard 
Stehlikova, Eva 
Stenzel, Hartmut 
Stillers, Rainer 
Strohmaier, Gotthard 
Stroszeck, Jutta 
Strothmann, Jurgen 
Stiickelberger, Alfred 
Stumpf, Gerd 
Suntrup, Rudolf 
Suter, Claudia E. 

Svatos, Martin 
Talbert, Richard 
Tinnefeld, Franz 
Toral-Niehoff, Isabel 
Tsakmakis, Antonis 
Ungefahr-Kortus, Claudia 
Usener, Sylvia 
Vidmanova, Anezka 
Wachter, Rudolf 
Walther, Gerrit 
Waquet, Frangoise 
Warland, Rainer 
Werdehausen, Anna Elisabeth 
Westbrook, Raymond 
Wiater, Werner 
Wiegels, Rainer 
Wildung, Dietrich 
Willers, Dietrich 
Wyss, Beat 
Zaminer, Frieder 
Zeman, Herbert 
Zervoudaki, Eos 
Ziegler, Sabine 

Classical Tradition translators 

Annette Bridges 

Simon Buck 

Rolf Bueskens 

Michael Chase 

Annette Corkhill 

Maarten Doude van Troostwijk 

Dorothy Duncan 

Karoline Krauss 

David Levinson 

Brian Murdoch 

Michael P. Osmann 

Michael Ovington 

Charlotte Pattenden 

David Richardson 

Maria Schoenhammer 

Barbara Schmidt-Runkel 

Duncan A. Smart 

Barbara Souter 

Suzanne Walters 

List of Entries 









Aerial Archaeological Imaging 



Affects, Theory of (Musical) 











Amsterdam, Allard Pierson Museum 

Anacreontic Poetry, Anacreontica 

Ancient History (Greece, Rome, Late Antiquity) 

Ancient Languages, Teaching of 

Ancient Near Eastern Philology and History (Assyriol- 


Animal Epic 
Animal Studies 
Anthologia Graeca 
Anthologia Latina 

Antiquarianism (Humanism until 1800) 

Antiqui et moderni 
Antiquities, Collections of 

Antiquity, Romance set in 



Arabic Medicine 
Arabic Studies 

Arabic-Islamic Cultural Sphere, the 

Archaeological Institute of America 
Archaeological Methods and Theories 
Archaeological Park 

Archaeological Structural Research 

Archaic Period 


Architectural Copy/Citation 

Architectural Theory/Vitruvianism 

Argumentation Theory 





Art Works, Acquisition of/Art Theft 

Artemis of ephesus 

Artes liberales 

Artists, Legends concerning 














Baghdad, Iraq Museum 

Baltic Languages 


Barberini faun 

Baron Thesis, the 



Basle, Antikenmuseum and Sammlung Ludwig 






Bellum iustum 


Belvedere Apollo 



Bibliotheca Corviniana 

Bockh-Hermann Dispute, the 

Body Culture 





Bonn. Rheinisches Landesmuseum and Akademisches Citizen 


Boston, Museum of Fine Arts 

Bucher-Meyer Controversy, the 




Byzantine Studies 



Cairo, Egyptian Museum 

Cambridge School 

Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum 






Capitoline museums 


Carmen figuratum 

Carolingian Renaissance 




Cast/Cast Collection 
Cathedral School 

Celtic Languages 
Celtic-Germanic Archaeology 
Cemeteries, Culture of 
Chanson de Geste 
Character Theory 

Chicago, Oriental Institute Museum 
Children’s and Young Adults’ Literature 

Christian Archaeology 

Church History 




Classical Archaeology 
Classical Period 

Classicism after Classical Antiquity 

Cnidian Aphrodite 




Coin Collections 

Coins, Coin Minting 



Column/Monumental Column 







Consolation Literature 

Constantine, Donation of 



Constitution, Types of 




Corpus Medicorum 


Course of Instruction 

Cretan-Mycenaean Archaeology 



Cult image 

Cultural Anthropology 



Czech Republic 



Debt Law 










I. General II. Musical 

I. General 

A. Definition B. Humanism D. 19TH Centu- 
ry E. zoth Century 

A. Definition 

The word ‘academy’ is not used in a uniform man- 
ner. In addition to scholarly academies dedicated to re- 
search, the term denotes various scholarly, pedagogical 
and social establishments. There are medical acad- 
emies; music, dance and art academies; as well as 
church-related ones (-> A. II. musical). Scholarly (i.e. 
research) academies, on the other hand, are associati- 
ons of scholars with the purpose of furthering research 
and academic communication. Their names have been 
changed many times over the centuries: they have been 
known as societas (society), sodalitas (sodality), asso- 
ciation, institute, and by others terms. Since the 15th 
cent., the word academy has encompassed the widest 
variety of social and intellectual associations and or- 
ganisations. It no longer exclusively refers to the ancient 
academy, more specifically, Plato’s school, but also to 
scholarly associations and pure teaching institutions. In 
view of the loss of importance of universities, the pres- 
tigious term academy was assumed by other institutions 
of higher learning - specifically German ones - to pro- 
mote themselves as places of scholarship and teaching. 
Following the French example, scholarly institutions in 
Germany were first called academies in the course of the 
1 8th cent. 

B. Humanism 

The Platonic Academy, closed in 5Z9 by Justinian, 
was rediscovered in Italian humanistic circles around 
the turn of the 15th cent. [9; 39; 55]. It is debatable to 
what extent the circle that existed at the court of Char- 
lemagne under the Anglo-Saxon Alcuin can be called an 
academy. The link was consciously made to the Acad- 
emy in Athens, both in content and in name, in order 
that its secular scholarship would be perfected by Chris- 
tian teaching (cf. Alcuin, epist. 170, ed. Dummler). But 
this link to ancient tradition was an isolated episode. 
The reason for this was also the negative connotation of 
the word in the Fatin Middle Ages, which, following 
from Augustine’s Contra Academicos (or De Acade- 
micis ; cf. the commentary to bk. z and 3 by Th. Fuhrer, 
1997) considered the sceptical tradition of the academy 
as an absolute or rejected it ([3]; L. Boehm in: [19. 65- 
m]). It was not until the professors, clerics, notables 
and merchants who set themselves up in private groups 
in Florence around 1400 in the monastery of Santo Spi- 
rito and in the Paradiso degli Alberti in order to debate 
literary, philosophical and political themes based on 
ancient texts that the idea of the Platonic Academy was 

taken up in a systematic manner. To be sure, these social 
discussion groups were not organized in a formal way 
(S. Neumeister in: [19. 171-189J). In 14Z7, inspired by 
Cicero’s Tusc. 3 ,3 ,6f., Poggio Bracciolini planned to set 
up an Academy on his Tuscan estate to read the classics 
in the original, with an educated circle of friends. Then 
in 1454 in the house of the Florentine notable Ala- 
manno Rinucci, young humanists came together in a 
Nova Academia or Chorus Academiae Florentinae, 
there to devote themselves, observing definite rules, 
above all to the writings of Plato and Aristotle. The 
study of ancient philosophers received a strong impetus 
through the works of the Byzantine scholar Johannes 
Argyropulos. The important influence of Greek phi- 
losophy on the humanistically aware Florentines was 
also reflected in the group collected together by Mar- 
silio Ficino in 146Z that was commonly (albeit falsely, 
cf. [z6] ) dubbed Accademia Flatonica and was the first 
occidental academy of modern times [15; 39. ioiff.; 
40]. It also lacked a firm organisational framework and 
precise statutes. Its biggest achievement was the redis- 
covery of Platonic writings for the Fatin West, through 
precise translations of which Ficino saw the opportu- 
nity to reform Christianity [57J. The express aim was 
the resurrection of the ancient academy ‘antiquam Aca- 
demiam resurgentem’: M. Ficino, Opera omnia, 1 i576, 
Repr. 1959, I 909), to which one demonstrated com- 
mitment through exercitatio Uterarum, i.e. educated de- 
bate, oratorical exercises and philosophical interpreta- 
tions of Platonic teachings. The head of the academy, 
Ficino, dubbed the pater Platonicae familiae, managed 
the renewal of the ancient model in a villa in Careggi, 
which was given to him by Cosimo de Medici. Sympo- 
sia were held following the Platonic example; Novem- 
ber 7, Plato’s supposed birthday and death day was 
kept as a holiday; the walls were decorated with apho- 
risms; and a bust of Plato, allegedly from the ancient 
Academy, was set up. At the same time, the Academy, 
which had close ties to the Medici, was to develop its 
influence - in a humanistic context - as a place of uni- 
versal education and of the culture of urbane conver- 
sation. Although only a few selected individuals from 
the Florentine political and intellectual elite took part in 
individual meetings (such as Cristoforo Fandino, Gio- 
vanni Pico della Mirandola, Angelo Poliziano), Ficino’s 
conception proved exceptionally effective and influ- 
enced other humanistic circles outside Florence, such as 
the Accademia Pontaniana in Naples. The Accademia 
Pontaniana was founded in 1458 as the discussion 
group of Alfons I. It continued in 1471 under the guid- 
ance of Giovanni Pontano, the most important Neapo- 
litan humanist; which also contributed to the fame of 
the court of Aragon. Together they studied ancient 
authors, specifically Virgil. In 1464 Pomponio Leto 
founded the Accademia Romana (after its founder also 
called the Accademia Pomponiana) on the Quirinal in 



Rome. The most important Italian humanists belonged 
to it. It was temporarily banned for anticlerical state- 
ments by Pope Paul II. In Venice in 1484, AldoManuzio 
organised his Neoacademia in his publishing house. It 
not only pressed ahead with editions of Greek authors, 
but also developed rules of order, written in Greek, and 
discussions were carried on in Greek. 

In the 1 5 th cent, the idea of the academy found many 
disciples north of the Alps, specifically through the 
mediation of Conrad Celtis. ‘Sodalities’, literary/his- 
torically oriented, and informally organised, which in 
many ways picked up their inspiration from Italy, were 
founded in Buda, Krakow, Basel, Vienna, Ingolstadt, 
Heidelberg, Nuremberg, Augsburg, Erfurt, StraEburg 
and in many other towns (19. 95iff., io69ff.; 56. 
i28ff.; 62]. The circles, which were formed by means of 
academic friendships and exchange of letters of their 
members, reflect a new formation of intellectual asso- 
ciations, founded through private initiative, but taken 
seriously by the Early Modern courts; they spread the 
classical legacy through editions, translations and rel- 
evant publications as well as historical/geographical 
studies of individual regions. 

The level of popularity that the concept of the acad- 
emy had in humanistic Italy can be seen in the fact that 
front the middle of the 15 th to the end of the 16th cent., 
around 400 academies were founded (granted some ex- 
isted only for a short time). In these, educated burghers 
came together to debate scholarly questions and the cul- 
tivation of the arts [19. 190-270; 44]. They continued 
the traditions of the first humanistic academies, in most 
cases not surviving the death of their founders. The 
number of academies, which had clear statutes and 
membership rules, procedural rules for meetings, 
apportioning of offices, fields of activity etc., grew from 
the first half of the 16th cent. on. In the period of early 
Absolutism the princes gradually assumed direction of 
the academies. In the context of the late humanist 
search for universal knowledge (Universalwissen- 
schaft), the principal focus was on literary texts; scien- 
tifically based academies constituted only a small pro- 

The academies developed a new field of expertise in 
the course of the 16th cent.: the investigation and stand- 
ardisation of literature in the national languages. Al- 
ready at the beginning of the 1540s, the Accademia Fio- 
rentina occupied itself with Dante, Petrarch and the 
contemporary language of Tuscany. The Accademia 
delta Crusca was founded in 1 5 83 - likewise in Florence 
- and formed its program to illustrate its name. Its task 
was, based on established authors of the 14th cent., to 
sort in the Italian language the worthless bran (crusca) 
front the flour. The first edition of the Italian dictionary 
of the Accademia della Crusca appeared in 1612. The 
German societies, however, initially held fast to Latin; 
Sprachgesellschaften in Germany as in other European 
countries, were formed on the Italian model only later. 
The Fruchtbringende Gesellschaft [19. 23off.J was 
founded in Weimar in 1617, and Cardinal Richelieu set 


up the Academie Fran$aise [19. 348ff.j in 1635. Their 
declared aim was to derive standards and concepts for 
literature written in their national languages from an- 
cient rhetoric and poetry. This deliberate turning 
towards the vernacular put the language societies of the 
17th cent, in opposition to the universities, which still 
held tightly onto their tradition of Latin language and 

C. 17TH and i8th Cents. 

Between 1660 and 1793, 70 official academies were 
founded in Europe and America. In addition there were 
numerous scholarly associations of a private and semi- 
private nature (such as the classical philological socie- 
ties in German university towns [65] ). In contrast to the 
academies, they were not, as a rule, licensed by the state, 
though they were recognised (Overview [45. 261ft., 
28 iff.]). The academies differed, sometimes consider- 
ably, in their orientation, organisation and social com- 
position (L. Hammermayer in [2. iff.; 19; 29; 64; 66]). 
The Platonic model, that was modified already in the 
1 6th cent., was no longer relevant for the content of 
their studies and organisational structure. The acad- 
emies concerned themselves with scholarship and arts 
of the most different types, and in their variety reflected 
the enormous differentiation in the fields of knowledge. 
Most notably they accounted for the beginning rise of 
the natural sciences since the late 16th cent. The inte- 
gration of scientific research and formulation of re- 
search problems in the work of the academies led to a 
deep division. There was far less discussion of the con- 
tribution of language and literature to establishing 
identity and culture than in the humanistic societies. 
Research in the service of scientific advancement was 
now the basic premise of the academy movement. It is 
against this background that, beginning in the second 
half of the 1 7th cent., the turn of the academies towards 
an experimental-inductive methodology in the sciences 
and the development of historical and philological 
source criticism is to be viewed. What the academies 
had in common was that they contributed to suprare- 
gional research communication and their members 
were only rarely obliged to teach in the universities. 
Before the Enlightenment, the universities, which were 
bound to the scholastic tradition, lost both esteem and 
significance to the academies, which offered themselves 
as central research institutions. By the end of the 18th 
cent, the academies were the standard organizational 
form of scholarly collaboration. Acting as the central 
academic institutes of their respective countries, they 
gathered together well-known academics and dedicated 
themselves more frequently to large scholarly projects 
that an individual scholar would not be able to tackle. 
Aside from custom prevailing in the Sprachgesellschaf- 
ten, Latin first served as the international scholarly lan- 
guage, but was soon joined by French. From the middle 
of the 1 8th cent., national languages were used in the 




The informal scholarly associations soon came 
under the influence of the state and the ruler: absolutist 
princes assumed the roles of patrons, who supported 
existing organisations and founded new academies. In 
Europe, academies were a prominent tool of royal sup- 
port for academia. The private circles of scholars, inter- 
ested in literary and scientific studies, became state con- 
trolled organisations of an elitist cultural policy. Signifi- 
cantly, this absolutist academy movement played no 
role in the constitutionally republican Netherlands and 
Switzerland (Academy foundations did not occur there 
until 1808 and 1815 respectively). In Paris the Acade- 
mie des Sciences and the Academie des Inscriptions et 
Belles Lettres had already been founded in 1666 and 
1 667 respectively to take their places alongside the Aca- 
demie Fran^aise [19. 348ff.j. In London in i66z, the 
Royal Society was founded, which was oriented 
towards the natural sciences, and in 1683 the Philo- 
sophical Society in Dublin [19. 669ft.]. In Berlin, the 
Elector Frederick III, according to the concept of Gott- 
fried Wilhelm Leibniz, founded the Kurfiirstlicbe Bran- 
denbnrgische Societet der Scientien 011700 [7; zo; zi; 
Z7; z8]. Vienna and Dresden tried to imitate the Berlin 
model, but in vain (it was not until 1847 that the open- 
ing of the Kaiserliche Akademie was officially announ- 
ced in Vienna) [33; 46]. It was only in St Petersburg 
under Peter the Great in 17Z4/Z5 that the plan for an 
academy following the Prussian model could become 
reality [19. 966ft]. In other European centres too, 
academies arose as institutions supported and funded 
by the state: in Edinburgh in 1731, in Madrid in 1714 
(Real Academia Espahola) and in 1738 (Real Academia 
de la Historia), in Lisbon 1717 (Academia Portuguesa 
da Historia) and in 1779 (Academia das Sciencias ), in 
Stockholm 1739, in Copenhagen 174Z and in Brus- 

In the 1 8th cent., an academy was to be found in 
every larger town in Italy some of which carried out 
important archaeological, as well as local and regional 
historical research such as that at Cortona on the Etrus- 
cans. In France there were not just academies in Paris, 
but also provincial academies were set up in many 
towns - often through private initiatives - all of which 
had a different focus; by 1789 there were 3Z of them. 
The academy movement also gained a foothold in East 
and Southeast Europe [z; 11; 19. 103 iff.]. There was an 
extensive wave of formations in the German Reich in 
the second half of the 18th cent. To begin with the 
Olmiitz Society was founded in 1746, though it was 
dissolved in 1751. Of great importance was the reor- 
ganisation of the Berlin Academy under Frederick II in 
the 1740s, which from now on was called the Koniglich 
Preufliscbe Akademie der Wissenschaften. Over the 
next four decades, countless academies and scholarly 
societies were founded in the country’s various regional 
capitals, especially in central and southern Germany: 
The Konigliche Sozietdt der "Wissenschaften in Gottin- 
gen (1731) [z. 97ff.; Z9. 97ff.], the Akademie niitzlicher 
Wissenschaften in Erfurt (1754) [1], the Bayerische 

Akademie der Wissenschaften in Munich (1759) [Z4; 
Z5], the Pfalzische Akademie der Wissenschaften in 
Mannheim (1763), the Fiirstlich Jablonowskiscbe 
Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften in Leipzig (1774) Iqz], 
the Gesellschaft der Altertiimer in Kassel (1777) und 
the Koniglich Bohmische Gesellschaft der Wissen- 
schaften in Prague (1785). In North America too the 
academy movement met with response. The Philo- 
sophical Society was initially set up in Philadelphia in 
1743/44 and the American Academy of Arts and Sci- 
ences with its headquarters in Boston in 1779. In the 
1 8th cent, the concept of the academy reached Central 
and South America as well as Asia via the Portuguese 
and the Spanish. 

The science-oriented academies grew in importance: 
After the brief flowering of the Academia Secretorum 
Naturae in Naples between 1560 and 1568, the Acca- 
demia dei Lincei was founded in Rome in 1603, in 165Z 
the Academia Naturae Curiosorum in Schweinfurt 
(which later became the Leopoldina in Elalle), the Roy- 
al Society in London in 1660 and in 1666 the Academie 
des Sciences in Paris. The expansion of research in 
mathematics and the natural sciences found different 
institutional solutions and led to continuous controver- 
sies about the division of the scholarly fields within the 
academies. Basically it came down to the followingl 
alternatives: Either academies for sciences - such as in 
Schweinfurt, London and Paris - could be set up as 
independent organisations (partly in addition to acad- 
emies for languages, literature and history), or science 
and humanities were merged into a single academy 
which would then be divided into different classes or 
departments. The idea of the unity of scholarship was 
advocated by Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz and success- 
fully put into practise in the Berlin Academy. Here, his- 
tory, languages and natural sciences were all dealt with 
under the same roof. Many French and (after the sec- 
ond half of the 18th cent.) Italian provincial academies 
were modelled on the Berlin Sozietdt [44; 54J. 

The frequently stressed connections of the acad- 
emies with each other in a supranational and interfaith 
republique des sciences or republique des lettres have, 
up to now, only been verified in a few cases (e.g. for 
Berlin and St Petersburg). Munich’s connections with 
academies elsewhere, however, were insignificant in the 
1 8th cent. (cf. summary of previous research [66. z8f.] ). 
Respected foreign scholars were frequently invited to 
become members of an academy. These choices were 
based not only upon position, but also their scholarly 
achievements. However, there are definitive studies on 
the members’ social denominational and geographical 
origins only for the French and some German acad- 
emies. It seems likely that already before the middle of 
the 1 8th cent, the majority of academy members came 
front the upper middle classes. Non-noble scholars ent- 
ered the exclusive academic meritocracy on an equal 
footing with noble members and used their activities in 
the academy as a means of social mobility. 




The Catholic Church also established comparable 
institutions. One may note the Maurist Congregation, 
which since the middle of the 17th cent, in Saint-Ger- 
main-des-Pres had been publishing exemplary editions 
of Church history and which also became renowned for 
its significant studies of ancillary historical material and 
for works on French history. 

Despite the diversification in scholarship and the in- 
tensive focus of research on the natural sciences, the 
study of the ancient world retained a prominent posi- 
tion in the work of academies. It profited from the sys- 
tematic collection and editions of historical sources 
which were now being started. Naturally the study of 
ancient history (just as that of universal history) was not 
on the agenda of every academy (cf. the German acad- 
emies in general [38]; Paris: [5. iyiff.; 63. Z3off.]; 
Mannheim: [12; 18]; Munich: [37]). The transcriptions 
of monumental and epigraphic texts were large-scale 
classical research projects: Archaeological campaigns 
were carried out in Tuscany and the towns at the foot of 
Vesuvius, -> Pompeii and -*■ Herculaneum [14], but 
also in Gallia Romana and in the Palatinate [13]. Local 
academies, too, made important research contributions 
to regional ancient history; in Italy, for example, they 
made important contributions to intensive research in 
Etruscan history [4]. Prize contests sponsored by the 
academies frequently treated classical themes. The Aca- 
demic des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres, for example, 
alternated questions front Classical Antiquity and the 
Middle Ages and even admitted non-French partici- 
pants. In 1775 Herder addressed the theme: Quels 
furent les noms et les attributs de Venus chez les diverses 
nations de la Grece et de I’ltalie [64. 65 1 . 

The academy movement, however, suffered a crisis 
in the 18th cent. The vast and extensive variety of acad- 
emy foundings, which reflected the advances in schol- 
arly specialisation, made intraregional coordination 
and cooperation ever more difficult. The unavoidable 
institutionalisation led to ossification and inflexibility. 
Various reform projects were discussed, including the 
suggestion for a Europe-wide RepubUque des Lettres, 
which in 1 79 5 led to the establishment of the Institut de 
France. At the same time the middle class turned, under 
the influence of the Enlightenment, to organisations 
that were largely independent of the courts, so that the 
academies lost their principal socio-politial and scien- 
tific organisatorial function. 

D. 19TH Cent. 

This stagnation crisis was overcome by the reform 
movement at the beginning of the 19th cent. The Pari- 
sian model of a central academy, which had originated 
after the liquidation of the old academy structure dur- 
ing the French Revolution, had an effect on various 
European states, such as the Kaiserlich Russische Aka- 
demie reorganised in 1803 and the newly established 
Koniglich Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften in 
1807. In Prussia, Wilhelm von Humboldt started a 
thorough and wide-ranging reform in the division and 

structure of scholarly fields that led to the founding of 
the University of Berlin (1810) and the reorganisation 
of the Academy (1812). In the 19th cent, the Koniglich 
Preufische Akademie der Wissenschaften became a 
model example of a modern and efficient scholarly 
academy, whose central function lay in the overall or- 
ganisation, representation and coordination of scholar- 
ly work. At the same time Humboldt’s conception, the 
unity of research and teaching, prevented the univer- 
sities from taking second place to the academies, as was 
the case in France, for instance. The members of the 
German Academy were frequently university profes- 
sors. The Berlin Academy enlarged its distance, already 
stressed since the 17th cent., to theology and jurispru- 
dence, the normative practical orientation of which was 
not considered reconcilable with an enlightened con- 
cept of science and innovation. Exponents of these sub- 
jects, such as the theologian Adolf Harnack, could only 
be taken on as historians. The neo-humanistic episte- 
mology constructed a model of the academy which 
combined an idealised concept of an almost timeless 
Platonic academy with a positivist understanding of 
scholarship and a highly efficient scholarly organisa- 

Before this background, Classical Studies in the 19th 
cent, experienced a boom without parallel [51; 52]. Led 
by Theodor Mommsen, since 1858 a full member and 
from 1874 to 1895 secretary of the Berlin Academy, the 
great classical undertakings were started: the funda- 
mental research on source criticism, which established 
the international reputation of German classical schol- 
arship. The entire historical source material of the an- 
cient world was to be collected, indexed and published 
in large corpora. According to the methodological 
credo, advancement in scholarship could only be made 
via comprehensive editions of sources. In his reply to 
Harnack’s inaugural speech, Mommsen in 1890 had 
redefined the task of the Academy in the age of positiv- 
ism: Auch die Wissenschaft hat ihr sociales Problem: 
wie der Groflstaat und die Groflindustrie, so ist die 
Grofhuissenschaft, die nicht von Einem geleistet, aber 
von Einem geleitet wird, ein nothwendiges Element 
unserer Kulturentwicklung, und deren rechte Trdger 
sind die Akademien oder sollten es sein (‘Scholarship, 
too, has its social problem: just as the national state and 
corporate industry so also large-scale scholarship, 
which is not accomplished by [just] one individual but 
rather is led by one, is an essential element of our cultur- 
al development; and the responsible institutions for that 
are the academies or should be’, Minutes. Berlin 1890, 
792; Th. Mommsen, Reden und Aufsatze, 1905, 209). 
Hermann Diels, Mommsen’s successor as secretary of 
the philolosophical-historical section, shared his views. 
He expressed his thoughts on Die Organisation der 
Wissenschaften in 1906 (in: [32]). Harnack, who inher- 
ited Mommsen’s leading role in Academy politics after 
1895, penned his programmatic essay in 1911 Vom 
Grofibetrieb der Wissenschaften (now in: [49. 1009- 




In 1 8 1 5 on the initiative of August Bockh the Corpus 
Inscriptionum Graecarum was founded (4 vols., 1825- 
1859; 1877 index) and in 1817 Immanuel Bekker star- 
ted the Aristotle edition (4 vols., 1827-1836; index 
1870), which since 1874 was supplemented with the 
Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca and the Supple- 
mentum Aristotelicum. After years of argument, the 
Berlin Academy approved Mommsen’s plan in 1 8 54 for 
a Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. Individual fasci- 
cles have been appearing since 1863; up to now 17 vol- 
umes with around 180,000 inscriptions as well as nu- 
merous supplements. From work on the indices of Latin 
inscriptions emerged the Prosopographia Imperii 
Romani saec. I. II. III., edited by Hermann Dessau, 
Elimar Klebs and Paul von Rohden 1897/98. At 
Mommsen’s suggestion Friedrich Imhoof-Blumer star- 
ted to collect the ancient coins of northern Greece in 
1888. Since 1898 individual volumes of the Griecbische 
Miinzwerk have been appearing at irregular intervals. 
In 1891 the corpus of Greek Christian writers of the 
first to third cents., commonly called the Church Fa- 
thers’ Edition or ‘Kirchenvaterausgabe’, was founded 
on the initiative of Mommsen and Harnack. The inter- 
disciplinary project, on which ancient historians, clas- 
sical philologists and theologians worked together, is a 
good example of the epoch-making cooperation of 
‘classical studies’ and church history at the end of the 
19th cent. After 1945 the series was broadened to in- 
clude texts from later centuries (up to the 8th cent.). The 
Commission in charge of the Church Fathers’ Edition 
became, at the end of 1901, also responsible for the 
Prosopographia Imperii Romani saec. IV. V. VI; the 
large-scale undertaking was intended to be a basic bio- 
graphical tool for both secular and ecclesiastic histo- 
rians, as well as for theologians and philologists; but in 
the end it failed because of its unrealistic goal, for which 
its initiator Mommsen had to take the blame. After 
many setbacks, the work was halted in 1933. In 1897, 
work was started on the dictionary of Ancient Egyptian 
under the leadership of Adolf Erman. By 1947 it con- 
tained around 1.75 million definitions of ancient Egyp- 
tian words (13 vols., 1926-1963). In 1901 Hermann 
Diels together with Ludvig Heiberg started the Corpus 
Medicorum Graecorum. Under the aegis of Ulrich von 
Wilamowitz-Moellendorff 1903 saw a new plan for the 
Inscriptiones Graecae, the sister project for the Corpus 
Inscriptionum Graecarum; cooperation with other 
academies, especially the Wiener Akademie, was 
strongly pushed and resulted in a geographical division 
of labour. From now on, Berlin focused its attention on 
the Greek mainland and the Aegean islands. To date 45 
volumes (with almost 50,000 inscriptions) have ap- 
peared. In addition, Theodor Mommsen inaugurated 
the Vocabularium iurisprudentiae Romanae, a com- 
plete word index to the Digests and the pre-Justinian 
legal sources (5 vols., 1903-1987), an edition of 
Fronto, which was, however, not completed, as well as 
an index rei militaris imperii Romani. Plans for a com- 
prehensive survey of ancient art and for a Corpus Papy- 

rorum never came to fruition. The Prussian Academy 
had a personnel and administrative influence on several 
local, non-academic ventures and institutions in Berlin, 
and others like the Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 
the DAI ( Deutsches Archdologisches Institut) with its 
branches in Rome, Athens, Cairo and Constantinople, 
the Reichslimeskommission headquartered in Heidel- 
berg and the Romisch-Germanische Kommission in 
Frankfurt [52]. 

Also the newly established academies in the Ger- 
man-speaking countries (1846 the Koniglich-Sachsi- 
sche Akademie der Wissenschaften in Leipzig [42], 
1847 the Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften in 
Vienna [33; 46], 1906 the Akademie in StraEburg and 
1909 the Heidelberger Akademie [67] ) carried out clas- 
sical research and took part in joint ventures. In Vienna 
in 1864, the Commission to edit the works of the Latin 
Church Fathers was set up (CSEL); the Asia Minor 
Commission, which among other things was respon- 
sible for excavations at Ephesus, followed in 1890 [16. 
9 f f . ] , and in 1897 the Commission for research on the 
Roman Limes. StraEburg and Heidelberg increased 
their research on papyri. After 1918, the Heidelberg 
Academy took over a part of the work of its StraEburg 
sister organisation, specifically the Acta Conciliorum 
Oecumenicorum which had been advanced by Eduard 
Schwartz since 1909 [53. 4 iff.J . 

Likewise, in many European and overseas nations, 
in order to manifest newly-won or aspired-to national 
sovereignty, in the 19th cent, academies were founded: 
in Poland (Krakow 1816), in Mexico (1824), in Hun- 
gary (1825), in Finland (1838), in Belgium (1841/42), 
in Norway (1857), in Croatia (1866), in Romania 
(1866), in Serbia (1866), in Bulgaria (1869) und in 
Japan (1879). These newly founded academies con- 
cerned themselves to a greater or lesser extent with clas- 
sical research and were to some degree shaped by the 
Prussian Academy and its organisation (compare the 
individual articles on these countries). Academies 
played a lesser role in the USA, a result of the decen- 
tralisation of scholarly organisation and the prominent 
importance of private institutes; it was not until 1919 
that the most important humanities organisations 
joined together as the American Council of Learned 
Societies. The Berlin Academy had a decisive influence 
on the works of other already existing academies - such 
as the one in St Petersburg [61]. In addition they were 
strengthened by the numerous personal relationships of 
members of individual academies, via elaborate corre- 
spondence (a nice example: the series of letters between 
Wilamowitz and M.I. Rostovzev [10]) and by inviting 
foreign scholars into the circle of members, (for the clas- 
sical studies of the Berlin Academy: [35]). 

In the face of the ever more costly projects that went 
beyond the organisatorial and financial possibilities of 
any one academy, and the need to avoid overlaps in the 
pursuit of research projects, at the end of the 19th cent, 
the possibility of a ‘cartel’ of scholarly academies was 
discussed. In 1893 the academies of Gottingen (in 




whose reorganisation Wilamowitz had a decisive 
share), Leipzig, Munich and Vienna formed the Ver- 
band der wissenscbaftlichen Korperschaften. Berlin, 
which up to now had only worked in individual joint 
ventures, and Heidelberg joined in 1906 and 19 11 re- 
spectively. On the initiative of the cartel, the Interna- 
tional Association of Academies (IAA) came into being 
in 1899. Active until 1914 it brought together 24 Euro- 
pean and American academies [23; 3 ij. The cartel over- 
saw over 30 projects, including the Thesaurus linguae 
Latinae, which was tackled by the academies in Berlin, 
Gottingen, Leipzig, Munich and Vienna, and on which 
today more than 20 academies on three continents are 
working [41]. There was also the edition of the Septua- 
gint started by Rudolf Smend and Alfred Rahlfs in 1907 
which now has its home in Gottingen[58]. Other pro- 
jects were realised by arrangements between individual 
academies; the publication of the Corpus Inscriptio- 
num Etruscarum since 1893 with the support of the 
Prussian and Saxon academies. Work on the Corpus 
Medicorum Graecorum was supported by the Berlin 
and Leipzig academies as well as the Royal Society in 

The ‘industry-style management of research’, fund- 
ed by state support and private foundations, changed 
the character of the academy at the end of the 19th cent. 
This can be seen clearly at the Berlin Academy [52]. It 
was no longer a place of learned discourse, but rather an 
institution which had to accommodate itself to the re- 
quirements of large-scale, ‘industrialised’ research. 
Classical Studies initiated and exemplified an organi- 
satorial modernisation, international cooperation, flex- 
ible methods of financing research and methodological 
diversity. Its innovative potential had its effect on other 
areas and even the physical and natural science section 
followed this model. Undertakings in Classical Studies 
strengthened at the same time a tendency towards sub- 
ject specialistion. Using other areas of study as models, 
the study of Antiquity was divided into different sec- 
tions and the unity of Classical Studies was destroyed 

E. 20TH Cent. 

The most recent history of the academy reflects the 
changes and ruptures of the 20th cent. Chauvinism and 
military aggression, which culminated in two World 
Wars, robbed the scholarly community of vital ma- 
terial, personnel and ideational resources, and broke 
down the internationality of the scientific republic. The 
National Socialist regime had tried since 1933 - with 
varying degrees of success - to influence the personnel 
structure, the scholarly orientation and the organisa- 
tion of the German, and after 1938 the Vienna and 
Prague Academies too (preliminary observations: [17; 
43; 52a]). The academy system in Germany was reorga- 
nised along federal lines immediately after the end of 
World War II; in 1946 the individual academies joined 
together as the network, Konferenz der deutschen Aka- 
demien der Wissenschaften. [60]. The Russian Acad- 

emy had been steered onto communist lines by Stalin in 
1929 and reshaped into the Academy of Science of the 
USSR; since 1934 it had been meeting in Moscow; be- 
tween 1961 and 1963 a basic reorganisation of the 
academy made allowance for the for the increasing dif- 
ferentation of the sciences and the quantative expan- 
sion of positions and institutes[34]. The division of 
Europe during the Cold War carried with it the trans- 
formation of a formerly pluralistic scholarly commu- 
nity in Eastern Europe into ideologically organised re- 
search academies, set up with well-staffed institutes, 
which had a central role in the scholarly organisation of 
their countries. The former Preufiiscbe Akademie der 
'Wissenschaften in Berlin was also affected by this pro- 
cess; reopened in 1946 as the Deutsche Akademie der 
Wissenschaften, it underwent a far reaching reorganisa- 
tion in 1969 ([48]; first results of the history of the in- 
stitutes of Classical Studies [68] ). The political changes 
that shook up former Warsaw Pact countries from the 
mid-1980s onwards and the ensuing disintegration of 
the Soviet Union and its satellites had a wide-ranging 
impact even on scholarly organisations. Many acad- 
emies in Eastern Europe were newly-established or 
refounded: national sovereignty demonstrated itself in 
scholarly independence. The process of restructuring 
and reestablishing academic traditions was in no way a 
smooth process, nor indeed is it over. After the destruc- 
tion of these older organisational structures, research is 
threatened in many places by an uncertain future and 
lack of resources (cf. on Russia [47]). In the Federal 
Republic of Germany after reunification the Sachsische 
Akademie der Wissenschaften was continued, the Aka- 
demie gemeinniitziger Wissenschaften in Erfurt was 
reconstituted and after the various institutes of the Aka- 
demie der Wissenschaften of the former German Demo- 
cratic Republic had been dissolved, the Berlin-Branden- 
burgische Akademie der Wissenschaften was newly 
constituted (for an informative historical snapshot of 
the year 1989: [59]). 

Specialisation within Classical Studies continued in 
the 20th cent. Numerous new enterprises were added to 
the projects pursued up to that point, achieved in part 
by individual academies, in part in national or interna- 
tional cooperation (cf. the publications of the individ- 
ual academies in their Jabrbucher and Sitzungsberichte, 
and in the Internet). Many academies are represented 
by archaeological institutes in centres of Mediterranean 
culture (Madrid, Rome, Athens, Istanbul, Damascus, 
Jerusalem and Cairo, etc.). The Internationale Assozia- 
tion, set up in 1901 on the initiative of the London- 
based Royal Society, was joined by 18 academies and 
was replaced in 1919 by the Union Academique Inter- 
national (headquartered in Brussels). Within this inter- 
national association, various academies have been 
working on Catalogue des Manuscrits alchimiques 
grecs et latins, on the Corpus vasorum antiquorum, on 
the Tabula Imperii Romani and the Corpus des timbres 
amphoriques. The German-speaking academies are 
jointly publishing the Mittellateinische Worterbuch (to- 




gether with the Novum Glossarium); there are compa- 
rable projects on medieval lexicography in many other 
European academies. Other large-scale joint projects 
include the Corpus Signorum Imperii Romani, the Syl- 
loge Nummorum Graecorum), the Lexicon Iconogra- 
phicum Mythologiae Classicae, a Corpus fontium 
historiae Byzantinae and the Annee Pbilologique. The 
British Academy founded in 1901 (cf. Proceedings of 
the British Academy 1. VII-IX) supported textual criti- 
cism research on the Greek New Testament, the Corpus 
Platonicum medii aevi, the Prosopography of the Later 
Roman Empire and the Patristic Greek Lexicon; today 
among other things, a Prosopography of the Byzantine 
Empire, the Corpus Inscriptionum lranicarum, the 
Oxyrhynchus Papyri and the Roman-British Writing 
Tablets are being published; furthermore, the British 
Academy is linked with the British Schools and Insti- 
tutes and their various areas of research. The Academie 
des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres in Paris has also been 
concerned and occupied itself with numerous philologi- 
cal, epigraphic and archaeological projects; it is worth 
mentioning the Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum 
(since 1867) and the Repertoire d’epigraphie semitique, 
the French complete edition of the works of Bartolomeo 
Borghesi, the Inscriptiones Graecae ad res Romanas 
pertinentes, the Inscriptions latines de la Gaule et de 
I’Afrique, the Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie, 
the Inscriptions grecques chretiennes d’Asie mineure, 
the inscriptions of Delos, the Carte archeologique de la 
Gaule, the Recueil general des mosaiques de la Gaule 
and, together with Yale University, the excavations in 
Dura-Europos; in its remit are the administration of the 
Ecoles fran^aises d’Athenes et de Rome and the Ecole 
biblique et archeologique fran$aise de Jerusalem. The 
Italian academies and the Unione Accademia Nazio- 
nale are overseeing, among others, numerous archaeo- 
logical projects, the editing of Greek and Latin authors, 
the Inscriptiones Italicae (with the Supplementa Italica 
and the Iscrizioni greche d’ltalia), the Corpus dei 
Manoscritti Copti Letterari and the Corpus delle anti- 
chitd fenicie e puniche. The south and eastern European 
academies, as well as those from Scandinavian and the 
Benelux countries, have distinguished themselves by the 
deciphering and analysis of archaeological and epi- 
graphic evidence, the publishing of academic journals 
and publications, the translation of classical authors in 
respective national languages, and collaborative work 
with international joint projects (cf. also the entires on 
individual countries). 

In addition the commissions set up for international 
projects, the Austrian Academy in Vienna supports fur- 
ther working groups on Byzantine studies, the Corpus 
of ancient mosaics of Asia Minor, Mycenean research, 
Iranian studies and the history of ancient law. Together 
with the Nordrhein-Westfalische Akademie der Wis- 
senschaften it publishes the Inschriften griechischer 
Stddte in Kleinasien. After World War II, the Berlin 
Academy started work on a Polybios-Lexikon and a 
Prosopographie der mittelbyzantinischen Zeit. The 

academy in Gottingen devotes itself to Byzantine legal 
sources, the Septuaginta-Edition, a Lexikon des friih- 
griechischen Epos, the Reallexikon der germanischen 
Altertumskunde and research on early Christian mo- 
nasticism. The Bavarian Academy worked with the 
Vienna Academy on the Corpus griechischer Urkunden 
des Mittelalters und der neueren Zeit and, set up in sev- 
eral study groups, is currently engaged in examining 
cuneiform texts and Near Eastern archaeology; re- 
search on urban life in Late Antiquity and late Roman 
Raetia; the publication of a second series of Acta Con- 
ciliorum Oecumenicorum; onomastics; and an index to 
the Novellae of Justinian. In Heidelberg there are re- 
search positions on archaeometry, an epigraphic data- 
base, the Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Clas- 
sicae, the Annee Pbilologique, publications from its 
papyri collection, the collection and study of Balkan 
pre-history. In the Akademie der Wissenschaften und 
der Literatur in Mainz, founded in 1949, commissions 
have been working and publishing on ancient slavery, 
coins of the Roman period found in Germany, Greek 
papyrus documents from Egypt, an Augustinus-Lexi- 
kon, the Corpus of Minoan and Mycenean seals, indi- 
ces to Latin literature of the Renaissance, Coptic tex- 
tiles, translations and commentaries on the works of 
Plato, a demotic book of names, and cuneiform texts 
front Bogazkoy. The Nordrhein-Westfalische Akade- 
mie der Wissenschaften, founded in 1950 and head- 
quartered in Diisseldorf, financed a critical edition of 
Athanasius and the Bibliograpbia patristica, is taking 
part in the publication of the Reallexikon fitr Antike 
und Christentum and the Jahrbuch fur Antike und 
Christentum; it supports the edition of the works of 
Gregory of Nyssa as well as publications on papyri. The 
academies of Berlin, Diisseldorf, Gottingen, Heidel- 
berg, Mainz und Munich together maintain the Patris- 
tic Commission. 

The significance of the academies in terms of re- 
search policy and organisation for modern Classical 
Studies lies on the one hand in their mission to function 
as places of interdisciplinary discourse and internation- 
al cooperation; on the other hand, in their responsibility 
for the dissemination of scholarly results through publi- 
cations (protocols, yearbooks, monographs, special 
series, etc.), and, finally, in their function in carrying 
out long-term projects, which frequently conduct basic 
research in critical source analysis. Contrary to the 
natural sciences, Classical Studies have to a much smal- 
ler degree set up their own research institutions outside 
the academy and the university (in Germany, for in- 
stance, they have never been represented in the Kaiser- 
Wilhelm-/Max-Planck-Gesellschaft). The traditional 
leading role in Classical Studies in numerous academies 
in the 19th cent., above all in the Preufiische Akademie 
der Wissenschaften has now been lost. For the most 
part, classical research projects are only a small part of 
the whole programme of the academy and often suffer 
consideral pressure for legitimisation as the result of 
tighter financial resources in the academic arena. 


-► Academy; -> Justinian; ->• Plato 
->• Baroque IV. Art and Painting 

1 H. R. Abe, J. Kiefer, in: Mitteilungen der Akademie. 
der gemeinniitzigen Wissenschaften zu Erfurt i, 1990, 
17-32 2 E. Amburger et al. (eds.), Wissenschaftspolitik 
in Mittel- und Osteuropa, 1976 3 M. Baltes, s.v. Aca- 
demia, in: Augustinus-Lexikon 1, 1986/94, 39-45 4 P. 

Barocchi, D. Gallo (eds.), L’Accademia etrusca (ex- 
hibition catalogue), 1985 5 B. Barret-Kriegel, Les 

historiens et la monarchic III: Les Academies et l’histoire, 
1988 6 M. Bircher, F. van Ingen (eds.), Sprachgesell- 
schaften, Sozietaten, Dichtergruppen, 1978 7 H.-St. 

Brather, Leibniz und seine Akademie. Ausgewahlte 
Quellen zur Geschichte der Berliner Sozietat der Wissen- 
schaften, 1993 8 R. J. Brunner, J. Hahn (eds.), Johann 
Andreas Schmeller und die Bayerische Akademie der Wis- 
senschaften, 1997 9 A. Buck, Die humanistische Aka- 

demie in Italien, in: 29. 27-46 (= Studia humanitatis, 
1981, 216-224) 10 W. M. Calder III(ed.), Further Let- 
ters of Ulrich von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, 1994, 191- 
205 (together with A. K. Gavrilov) 11 A. Camariano- 
Cioran, Les academies princieres de Bucarest et de Jassy 
et leurs professeurs, 1974 12 H. Chantraine, Das Bild 
der romischen Kaiserzeit in den Acta der Mannheimer 
Akademie, in: K. Christ, E. Gabba (eds.), L’Impero 
Romano fra storia generate e storia locale, 1991, 225-240 
13 Id., Archaologisches in den Acta der Mannheimer Aka- 
demie, in: R. Stupperich (ed.), Lebendige Ant., 1995, 
107-112 14 E. W. Cochrane, Tradition and Enlighten- 
ment in Tuscan Academies 1690-1800, 1961 15 A. 

della Torre, Storia dell’Academia Platonica di Firenze, 
1902 16 G. Dobesch, G. Rehrenbock (eds.), Die epi- 
graphische und altertumskundliche Erforschungen Klein- 
asiens. Hundert Jahre Kleinasiatische Kommission der 
Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1993 
17 Leopoldina-Symposion. Die Elite der Nation im Drit- 
ten Reich. Das Verhaltnis von Akademie und ihrem wis- 
senschaftlichen Umfeld zum Nationalsozialismus, Acta 
Historica Leopoldina 22, 1995 18 P. Fuchs, Palatinus 

illustratus. Die historischen Forschungen an der Kurpfal- 
zischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1963 19 K. Gar- 
ber, H. Wismann (eds.), Europaische Sozietatsbewegung 
und demokratische Tradition. Die europaischen Akade- 
mien der Frtihen Neuzeit zwischen Friihrenaissance und 
Spataufklarung, 2 vols., 1995 20 C. Grau et al., Die Ber- 
liner Akademie der Wissenschaften in der Zeit des Impe- 
rialismus, 3 vols., 1975/1979 21 Id., Die PreuEische Aka- 
demie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, 1993 22 Id., 

Beriihmte Wissenschaftsakademien., 1988 23 Id., Die 

Wissenschaftsakademien in der deutschen Geschichte: 
Das Kartell von 1893 bis I 94 °> i n: T 7 ) 31-56 24 L. Ham- 
mermayer, Geschichte der Bayerischen Akademie der 
Wissenschaften 1759-1807, 2 vols., 1983 (vol. 2 *1983) 
25 Id., Freie Gelehrtenassoziation oder Staatsanstalt? Zur 
Geschichte der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften 
in der Zeit der Spataufklarung und der Reform (1787- 
1807), in: Zschr. fiir Bayerische Landesgesch. 54, 1991, 
159-202 26 J. Hankins, The Myth of the Platonic Acad- 
emy of Florence, in: Ren. Quarterly 44, 1991, 429-475 

27 A. Harnack, Geschichte der Koniglich PreuEischen 
Akademie der Wissenschaften, 3 vols. in 4 parts, 1900 

28 W. Hartkopf, G. Wangermann, Dokumente zur 

Geschichte der Berliner Akademie der Wissenschaften von 
1700 bis 1990, 1991 29 F. Hartmann, R. Vierhaus 

(eds.), Der Akademiegedanke im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert, 


1977 30 K. Th.v. Heigel, Uber den Bedeutungswandel 
der Worte Akademie und Akademisch, 1911 31 W. His, 
Zur Vorgeschichte des deutschen Kartells und der inter- 
national Association der Akademien, 1902 32 P. Hin- 
neberg (ed.), Die Kultur der Gegenwart, Part 1, Section 1, 
1906, 591-650 33 O. Hittmair, H. Hunger (eds.), Aka- 
demie der Wissenschaften. Entwicklung einer osterrei- 
chischen Forschungsinstitution, 1997 34 W. Kasack, Die 
Akademie der Wissenschaften der UdSSR, 3 1978 35 Chr. 
Kirsten (ed.), Die Altertumswissenschaften an der Berli- 
ner Akademie. Wahlvorschlage, 1985 36 P.-E. Knabe, 

Die Wortgeschichte von Akademie, in: Archiv fiir das Stu- 
dium der neueren Sprachen und Literatur 214, 1977, 245- 
261 37 A. Kraus, Die historische Forschung an der chur- 
bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. 1759-1806, 
1959 38 Id., Vernunft und Geschichte. Die Bedeutung der 
deutschen Akademien fiir die Entwicklung der 
Geschichtswissenschaft im spaten 18. Jahrhundert, 1963 
39 P. O. Kristeller, Humanismus und Renaissance, 2 
vols., 1974/76 40 Id., The Platonic Academy of Florence, 
in: Ren. News 14, 1961, 147-159 41 D. Kromer (ed.), 
‘Wie die Blatter am Baum, so wechseln die Worter’. 100 
Jahre Thesaurus linguae Latinae, 1995 42 E. Lea, G. Wie- 
mers, Planung und Entstehung der Sachsischen Akademie 
zu Leipzig 1704-1846. Zur Genesis einer gelehrten 
Gesellschaft, 1996 43 H. Matis, Zwischen Anpassung 

und Widerstand. Die Akademie der Wissenschaften in den 
Jahren 1938-1945, 1997 44 M. Maylender, Storia delle 
Accademie d’ltalia, 5 vols., 1926-30 45 J. E. McClel- 
lan, Science Reorganized. Scientific Societies in the 18th 
Century, 1985 46 R. Meister, Geschichte der Akademie 
der Wissenschaften in Wien 1847-1947, 1947 47 E. Z. 
Mirskaya, Russian Academic Science Today: Its Societal 
Standing and the Situation within the Scientific Commu- 
nity, in: Social Stud, of Science 25, 1995, 705-725 48 P. 
Notzoldt, Wolfgang Steinitz und die Deutsche Akademie 
der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. Zur politischen Geschichte 
der Institution (1945-1968), Diss. Humboldt-Universitat 
Berlin 1998 49 K. Nowak (ed.), Adolf von Harnack als 
Zeitgenosse, 2 vols., 1996 50 K. F. Otto, Die Sprach- 

gesellschaften des 17. Jh., 1972 51 St. Rebenich, Theo- 
dor Mommsen und Adolf Harnack. Wissenschaft und 
Politik im Berlin des ausgehenden 19. Jahrhunderts, 1997 
52 Id., Die Altertumswissenschaft und die Kirchenvater- 
kommission an der Akademie, in: J. Kocka et al. (eds.), 
Die Koniglich PreulSische Akademie der Wissenschaften 
zu Berlin im Kaiserreich, 1999, 169-203 52 a) Id., Zwi- 
schen Anpassung und Widerstand? Die Berliner Akade- 
mie der Wissenschaften von 1933-1945, in: B. Naf (ed.), 
Antike und Altertumswissenschaft in der Zeit von 
Faschismus und Nationalsozialismus, 203-4 53 A. 

Rehm, Eduard Schwartz’ wissenschaftliches Lebenswerk, 
1942 54 D. Roche, Le siecle des lumieres en province. 
Academies et academiciens provinciaux 1680-1789, 2 
vols., 1978 55 W. Ruegg, s.v. Akademie, in: Lexikon des 
Mittelalters, 1, 24 8f. 56 Id., Humanistische Elitenbildung 
in der Eidgenossenschaft zur Zeit der Renaissance, in: G. 
Kauffmann (ed.), Die Renaissance im Blick der Nationen 
Europas, 1991, 95-133 57 W. Scheuermann, Marsilio 
Ficino oder die Lehrjahre eines Platonikers, in: G. Har- 
tung, W. P. Klein (eds.), Zwischen Narretei und Weis- 
heit, 1 997, 1 5 8-178 58 R. Smend, Der geistige Vater des 
Septuaginta-Unternehmens, in: AAWG 190, 1990, 332- 
344 59 I. Stark, Der Runde Tisch der Akademie und die 
Reform der Akademie der Wissenschaften der DDR nach 
der Herbstrevolution 1989, in: Gesch. und Ges. 23, 1997, 



423-445 60 M. Stoermer, Zur Geschichte der Konfe- 

renz der Akademie der Wissenschaften in der Bundesre- 
publik Deutschland, in: Akad.-Journ. 1, 1997, 11-13 

61 K. Svoboda, Die klassische Altertumswissenschaft im 
vorrevolutionaren Rutland, in: Klio 37, 1959, 241-267 

62 Chr. Treml, Humanistische Gemeinschaftsbildung. 
Soziokulturelle Untersuchung zur Entstehung eines neuen 
Gelehrtenstandes in der friihen Neuzeit, 1989 63 J. Voss, 
Das Mittelalter im historischen Denken Frankreichs, 
1972 64 Id., Die Akademie als Organisationstrager der 
Wissenschaften im 18. Jahrhundert, in: HZ 44, 1980, 
43-74 65 Id., Akademie, gelehrte Gesellschaft. und wis- 
senschaftliche Vereine in Deutschland (1750-1850), in: E. 
Francois (ed.), Sociabilite et societe bourgeoise en 
France, Allemagne et en Suisse (Geselligkeit, Vereinswe- 
sen und biirgerliche Gesellschaft in Frankreich, Deutsch- 
land und der Schweiz), 1750-1850, 1986, 149-167 
66 Id., Akademie und Gelehrte Gesellschaft, in: H. Reinal- 
ter (ed.), Aufklarungsgesellschaften, 1993, 19-38 67 U. 
Wennemuth, Wissenschaftsorganisation und Wissen- 
schaftsforderung in Baden. Die Heidelberger Akademie 
der Wissenschaften 1909-1949, 1994 68 M. Willing, 
Althistorische Forschung in der DDR. Eine wissenschafts- 
geschichtliche Studie zur Entwicklung der Disziplin Alte 
Geschichte vom Ende des II. Weltkrieges bis zur Gegen- 
wart, 1991 

Additional Bibliography: D. Chambers (ed.), Ital- 
ian Academies of the Sixteenth Century, 1995; W. 
Fischer et al. (eds.), Die PreuEische Akademie der Wis- 
senschaften zu Berlin 1914 - 1945, 2000; M. Gierl, 
Geschichte und Organisation. Institutionalisierung und 
Kommunikationsprozess am Beispiel der Wissenschafts- 
akademien um 1900, 2004; D.-O. Hurel (ed.), Acade- 
mies et societes savantes en Europe (1650 - 1800), 2000; 
J. Kocka et al. (eds.), Die Berliner Akademien der Wissen- 
schaften im geteilten Deutschland 1945 - 1990, 2.002; R. 
Mayntz et al. (eds.), East European Academies in Tran- 
sition, 1998; F. A. Yates, The French Academies of the 
Sixteenth Century, 1947 (repr. 1988). 

II. Musical 

In the history of music, many institutions (schools, 
societies) and their events became significant under the 
designation academy. Many academies, in the sense of 
societies, discovered or imitated ancient music ( Alterati 
Florenz, late 16th cent.; Academie de Poesie et Musique 
Paris, 1570), furthered or carried on musical theatre 
(Intronati Siena, 1531; Invaghiti Mantua, 1607; Aca- 
demie Royale de Musique, Paris after 1669; Royal 
Academy of Music, London 1719-28; Arcadia Rom, 
1690) and staged concerts or performed music, espe- 
cially ancient music (Academy of Vocal Music London, 
1726-31; Academy of Ancient Music London, 
i7io?/3i~92; Sing- Akademie Berlin, after 1791; Sing- 
Akademie Breslau, after 1825). Whereas some private 
academies employed professional musicians to teach its 
members (and in doing so became not infrequently the 
basis for a conservatory), other academies were from 
the beginning conceived as schools of music (Filarmo- 
nica Verona, after 1543; Floridi, later Filarmonica, 
Bologna, after 1614/15; Royal Academy of Music Lon- 
don, after 1832; Santa Cecilia Rome, 1839; Dublin 

1848; Zurich 1891; Vienna 1908; Glasgow 1929; Hel- 
sinki 1939; Basel 1948). Just like the sessions or meet- 
ings of societies that designate themselves as ‘acad- 
emies’, also their concerts may be called ‘academies’ 
metonymically, so that in this context, one did not need 
an academy to stage the event. A report about the musi- 
cal life in Vienna in 1800 differentiates - apparently 
depending on the type of locale - between ‘public’ und 
‘private academies’ and in both categories between 
‘fixed’ und ‘ad-hoc’ (the ‘ad-hoc’ private academies 
evolved in the course of decades into what is called sal- 
on music). In a further metonymic sense, academy can 
even mean works composed for a function at the acad- 
emy (cantatas) (Pellegrini Amor tiranno 1616, Pasquini 

W. Frobenius, N. Schwindt-Gross, Th. Sick (eds.), 

Akademie und Musik, 1993 (with a detailed bibliography 



A. History of the Concept 

B. Acculturation in the Historical 

A. History of the Concept 

The concept of acculturation originally derives from 
the conceptual apparatus of American-style -» Cul- 
tural anthropology, and is based on the concept of 
culture essentially developed by S. Tylor, which, in the 
course of the 20th cent., gradually replaced the norma- 
tive-judgmental concept of culture that had been domi- 
nant until then. As an alternative to the latter, which 
classified human societies on a scale between primitive 
peoples and complex civilizations, ‘Cultural Anthro- 
pology’ near the end of the 19th cent, developed the 
model of a non-judgmental comparison of individual 
cultures. The underlying concept of culture embraces 
all areas of human endeavor (thus including politics, 
economics and religion) [4]. The study of ‘accultura- 
tion’ takes into consideration the modes and results of 
cultural change that are the consequence of cultural 
contact. In 1936, the following definition, still largely 
valid today, was developed by R. Redfield, R. Lindon 
and M. Herskvits: ‘Acculturation comprehends those 
phenomena which result when groups of individuals 
having different cultures come into continuous first- 
hand contact, with subsequent changes in the original 
patterns of either or both groups’ [14. 149]. In this con- 
text, the mechanisms and contexts of areas of contact 
were at the center of these authors’ considerations, for 
instance the circumstances of encounter and criteria of 
selection in cases of exchange. The concept was fine- 
tuned in a workshop in 1953, by considering social 
structures more intensely and classifying the possible 
reactions to cultural contact [16]. Since acculturation 
also offered a welcome explanatory model for cultural 
change, the concept was soon utilized in many other 
disciplines like sociology [1 1], archaeology [1 5] and the 
historical disciplines. 




B. Acculturation in the Historical 

The transferal of the anthropological acculturation 
model, initially conceived for cultural encounters with- 
in a colonial context, to historical societies (in particu- 
lar ancient cultures), nevertheless revealed a series of 
problems. In particular, the concept lost some of its 
rigor, since the nature of the sources seldom permitted 
the exact observation of ‘first-hand contact’ and gradu- 
al change. In addition, the idea of homogeneity of the 
cultural entities involved turns out to be highly prob- 
lematic, for it neglects the complexity of historical cul- 
tures, and it does not take historical development into 
consideration [7J. 

These problems have led to various modifications of 
the acculturation model: for instance, U. Bitterli’s ty- 
pology of cultural contacts [1] (primarily with regard to 
the contact of Europe with non-European cultures); 
building upon the latter, the more flexible concept of 
‘cultural borders’ by J. Osterhammel [13] and the re- 
search on ‘cultural transfer’, established by M. Espagne 
and M. Werner [3] (particularly tailored to inter-Euro- 
pean cultural exchange); finally, the flexibilized accul- 
turation model specially developed for research on 
Classical Antiquity by U. Cotter. Cotter understands 
cultural entities as identity groups, and he limits the 
possibility of making relevant statements about accul- 
turation to cases in which ( 1 ) groups can be determined 
and delimited, (2) the degree of foreignness between the 
groups can be determined (particularly with reference 
to perception), (3) the dynamics of reception can be 
described, and (4) the transformation of ‘original pat- 
terns’ can be observed. Since this is often impossible for 
ancient cultures, many of which can be grasped only on 
the basis of artifacts (this is true especially for the an- 
cient ‘marginal cultures’ such as the Germanic, Celtic, 
and Iberian), according to Cotter the acculturation 
model should not be used in such cases [7]. As an exam- 
ple, Cotter has demonstrated his concept in a work on 
the process of Hellenization of the city of priests, Olba 
in Cilicia [6]. Important and well-attested processes of 
acculturation in Antiquity are Hellenization (for in- 
stance of Egypt [8], Southern Italy [10], Phoenicia [17], 
and Asia Minor [12]), the Orientalization of Greece in 
the Archaic Period [2], and Romanisation [9]. A par- 
ticularly complex case are the processes of accultura- 
tion between Greece and Rome [5; 18]. The reception of 
the cultural and institutional achievements of the subju- 
gated Hellenized population by Islam can also be inter- 
preted as a process of acculturation. 

-> Hellenization; -> Olba; -> Romanisation 

1 U. Bitterli, Alte Welt - Neue Welt. Formen des euro- 
paischen-uberseeischen Kulturkontakts vom 15.-18. 
Jahrhundert, 1986 2 W. Burkert, The Orientalizing 

Revolution, 1995 3 M. Espagne, M. Werner, Deutsch- 

franzosischer Kulturtransfer im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert. 
Zu einem interdisziplinaren Forschungsprogramm des 
CNRS, in: Francia 13, 1985, 502-510 4 J. Fisch, s. v. 

Zivilisation; Kultur, in: O. Brunner et al. (eds.), 
Geschichtliche Grundbegriffe, Vol. 7, 1992, 679-774 

5 U. Gotter, Griechenland in Rom? Zur politischen 
Bedeutung von Akkulturation in der klassischen und spat- 
romischen Republik. Unpublished dissertation, Freiburg 
i.Br. 2002 6 Id., Tempel und Groflmaciit: Olba/Dio- 

kaisareia, in: E. Jean (ed.). La Cilicie: espaces et pouvoirs 
locaux, 2002, 286-366 7 Id., Akkulturation als Metho- 

denproblem der historischen Wissenschaften, in: W. 
Essbach, wir/ihr/sie. Identitat und Alteritat in Theorie 
und Methode, 2001, 373-406 8 S. Grallert, Akkul- 

turation im agyptischen Sepulkralwesen. Der Fall eines 
Griechen in der 26. Dynastie, in: U. Hockmann, D. Krei- 
kenbom (eds.) Naukratis. Die Beziehungen zu Ostgrie- 
chenland, Agypten und Zypern in archaischer Zeit. Akten 
der Table Ronde in Mainz, 25.-27. November 1999, 
2001, 183-196 9 A. Haffner (ed.), Internationales 

Kolloquium zum Schwerpunktprogramm Romanisierung 
1998, 2000 10 K. Lomas, Rome and the Western 

Greeks, 350 BC - AD 200, Conquest and Acculturation in 
Southern Italy, 1993 11 E. Long, Engaging Sociology 

and Cultural Studies: Disciplinary and Social Change, in: 
Id. (ed.), From Sociology to Cultural Studies. New Per- 
spectives, 1997, 1-32 12 St. Mitchell, Ethnicity, 

Acculturation and Empire in Roman and Late Roman 
Asia Minor, in: Id. (ed.), Ethnicity and Culture in Asia 
Minor, 2000, 1 17-150 13 J. Osterhammel, Kulturelle 

Grenzen in der Expansion Europas, in: Saeculum 46, 
1995, 101-138 14 R. Redfield et al., Memorandum 

for the Study of Acculturation, in: American Anthropolo- 
gist 38, 1936, 149-152 IS J. Slofstra, An Anthropo- 
logical Approach to the Study of Romanization Processes, 
in: R. Brandt, J. Slofstra (eds.), Romans and Natives in 
the Low Countries. Spheres of Interaction, 1983, 71-104 
16 The Social Science Research Council Summer Seminar 
on Acculturation on 1953, in: American Anthropologist 
56, 1954, 973-1002 17 R. A. Stucky, Acculturation et 

retour aux sources: Sidon aux epoques perse et helleni- 
stique, in: R. Frei-Steba (ed.), Recherches recentes sur le 
monde hellenistique, 2001, 247-258 18 G. Vogt- 

Spira, Auseinandersetzung Roms und Griechenlands als 
europaisches Paradigma, 1998. Isabel toral-niehoff 

Acoustics see ->■ Natural sciences 
Adagium see-> Aphorism; 


A. Definition B. Epics Based on Classical 
Models C. Compilation E. Verse and Prose 
Paraphrases G. Translation H. Periphras- 
tic Translation I. Travesty J. Emblematic 
Adaptation K. Other Forms 

A. Definition 

In the narrower sense, adaptation is understood by 
literary scholarship to mean the arranging of a literary 
work according to the rules of another genre or 
medium. Looking at the reception of classical texts in 
the literature of the Middle Ages and the modern age, 
adaptation is, to be sure, in a broader sense an adjust- 
ment to the conditions present in another, i.e. vernacu- 
lar literature. The boundaries of this expanded concept 
of adaptation are translation on one hand and > imi- 




tatio on the other. Whereas the latter, as imitation of 
mostly formal and poetological characteristics, will 
remain on the sidelines, translation must be seen as a 
form of adaptation. Because different periods view 
translations in different terms, to modern eyes those of 
the Middle Ages and the Early Modern period appear, 
to a greater or lesser extent, as free adaptations. In this 
general sense, adaptation mainly implies the following 
three aspects: i. Insofar as the adaptation intends an 
adjustment to the ideology, view of the world, people or 
society and ethics of the adapting epoch, the changing 
methods of adaptation throw a significant light on the 
dominant self-awareness of the era, specifically on its 
relationship to antiquity, z. With regard to literary-aes- 
thetic matters, the potential of creativity in genre, lan- 
guage and style is a significant feature of adaptation. 

The significance of adaptation reveals, to what 
extent classical literature and which aspects are per- 
ceived as important for their own time. Adaptation con- 
tributes to the development of emerging genres (for ex- 
ample in the epics of the courtly Middle Ages based on 
those of Classical Antiquity), reinforces the validity of 
developed genres (for example in the adaptation of the 
Aeneid or Metamorphoses in the — ► Renaissance 
which interact with modern epic forms); or adaptation 
implicitly postulates a change in the concept of a genre 
(for example in the mock heroic epic of the 17th and 
18th cents.). 3. The co-existence of different expectati- 
ons, for example of an academic and popular nature, 
which can lead to completely opposing forms and func- 
tions of adaptation in the same era, demonstrates the 
close connection between adaptation and public taste. 
The following sections should be seen as an account of 
the historical forms of adaptation of Classical litera- 
ture. The period covered is limited to the Middle Ages 
and the Early Modern period, as it is then when the 
most important forms manifest themselves. A second 
concentration can be found in French and Italian litera- 
ture, as it is here where the reception of antiquity in 
general, and the various types of adaptation appear 
first. In the literature of other countries (Spain, Ger- 
many, Britain), they were mostly received after a certain 
interval. The methods of adaptation will be shown prin- 
cipally through the reception of the Classical epic, since 
no other genre shows a comparable variety of possibil- 

B. Romances set in Antiquity 

The romance set in Antiquity (Antikenroman) is the 
most characteristic form of adaptation to show the re- 
lationship of the Middle Ages to Classical Antiquity. 
This genre emerged in Anglo-Norman French literature 
of the izth cent, and was then taken up in other coun- 
tries, notably Germany and Italy. The three most 
important texts are the anonymous Roman de Thebes 
(c. 1150), the likewise anonymous Roman d’Eneas (c. 
1160) and the Roman de Troie by Benoit de Sainte- 
Maure (c. 1165). The main sources for these works are 
Virgil (Aeneid), Statius ( Thebaid ) and the pseudo-his- 

torical writings of Dares Phrygius (De excidio Troiae) 
and Dictys Cretensis (Ephemeris belli Troiani). In addi- 
tion to clerics, the educated upper classes of society 
were the audience for these romances. These texts flour- 
ished only for a brief time. The reading public soon 
turned to the Arthurian legend. All the same, this type 
of adaptation is, from the viewpoint of the history of the 
genre, of wide-ranging importance since it prepared the 
ground for the characteristic features of the courtly 
epic. In that way the Roman d’Eneas most likely had an 
exemplary influence on the work of Chretien de Troyes. 

These romances set in Antiquity took great liberties 
in dealing with their sources and also in how they com- 
bined them. In spite of that, the public at the time per- 
ceived them as adequate and historically balanced tre- 
atments. The formal characteristics, specifically their 
structuring into moderate-size, relatively homo- 
geneous, discrete narrative units, point to a predomi- 
nantly oral transmission of the epics. When compared 
to the ancient versions, the story lines are often severely 
altered in terms of chronology and rhythm. In places 
they are compressed or abbreviated, and in others they 
are expanded either by amplification or by the intro- 
duction of new elements. The method of presentation 
can be generally viewed as a ‘modernisation’ of Classi- 
cal Antiquity. Mythological elements are greatly re- 
duced; motivation, which in the classical texts emerges 
from the meddling of the gods, is transferred into an 
inter- or intrapersonal sphere. Conventions and cus- 
toms, perceptions of morals, institutions and social 
structures are made to approximate those of the High 
Middle Ages in order to acquaint the readers with the 
foreign world through the familiar. Classical persona- 
ges become kings, knights, dukes, bishops, burghers 
and so on. Further, typical of the age is the social mind- 
set, continually shaped by cortoisie (courtly attitude). 
In this way, the romance set in Antiquity anticipates an 
element that will have a fundamental ideological func- 
tion in the courtly epic. A similar point holds for the 
concept of love, which again mirrors the courtly ideal. 
A characteristic feature is the change of emphasis in the 
Roman d’Eneas: drawing on elements from Ovid, the 
heroic plot becomes a love story. Two concepts of love 
are introduced and they are contrasted by a significant 
expansion of the original plot. In the end, the passionate 
love between Dido and Aeneas is contrasted with the 
courtly ideal, the love between Aeneas and Lavinia, 
with whose marriage the Roman d’Eneas ends. This 
ideological rounding off was so convincing to posterity 
that as late as 14Z8 the humanist M. Vegio composed, 
in Latin, a 13th book of the Aeneid, telling of Aeneas’ 
marriage, rule and, in the end, apotheosis. This sup- 
plementary book appeared in most editions and trans- 
lations of the Aeneid in early modern times (e.g. in G. 
Douglas 1513 and Th. Murner 1315). 

Characteristic of the medieval relationship to the 
Classical world is also the reception of French romances 
of this type in other countries, notably in German and 
Italy where, via edited translations, secondary adapta- 




tions were generated. Heinrich von Veldeke’s Eneit ( c . 
1170-90) almost certainly did not have recourse to the 
ancient texts, rather it adhered closely to the subject 
matter of the Roman d’Eneas. Nonetheless the romance 
was adapted to the linguistic and ideological norms of 
its author’s surroundings. In this way he weakened the 
compilatory traits of its model, strengthened the struc- 
tural coherence, gave the text a strongly rhetorical revi- 
sion and highlighted the courtly idealisation of people, 
society and love. As in France, the German adaptation 
of the Roman d’Eneas comes particularly close to a con- 
temporary understanding of courtly epic. Because 
Ovid’s stories did not correspond to the taste domi- 
nated by the romance set in Antiquity, the German ver- 
sion of the Metamorphoses by Albrecht von Halber- 
stadt from 1217 found no resonance, although it was 
the very first one done in the Middle Ages, 

C. Compilation 

That the romances set in Antiquity were appreciated 
less as literary texts than as works transmitting histori- 
cal knowledge, is seen by the fact that they were often 
included in historical compilations. As manuscripts 
they were often combined in collections, in which the 
order could vary. In this way a kind of world history 
was constituted, which started with Trojan origins and 
flowed into the history of Britain, more specifically, the 
Arthurian era. Like the Roman d’Eneas, the Roman de 
Troie was utilized for a Histoire ancienne jusqu’d Cesar, 
which at the same time assembled and adapted other 
ancient sources, e.g. the Excidium Troiae of Dares or a 
number of Ovid’s Heroides. This type of compilation 
was repeated in other countries, for instance in Italy in 
the 14th cent. The Fiorita by Armannino da Bologna 
(1325), a mixture of poetry and prose passages, repre- 
sents a history of mankind up to the age of Caesar; it 
also used the subject matter of the Aeneid. Similarly, 
Guido da Pisa in his Fiore d’ Italia (start of the 14th 

cent. ) used classical and medieval sources for a history 
of the Hebrew, Greek and Roman world. His second 

book, titled I fatti di Enea traces the story line of Virgil’s 
epic in simple prose. 

D. Cant are 

The Cantari are a popular variation of the medieval 
courtly epic, intended mainly for public oral presenta- 
tion. They use material from Old French heroic epics 
and courtly epics as well as Classical epics (Virgil, Ovid, 
Statius). In terms of adaptation, the Cantari with Clas- 
sical subject matter share certain similarities with the 
romances set in Antiquity. Here too heroes and mytho- 
logical figures are transposed to the world of the Middle 
Ages; the heroes show chivalric characteristics, and the 
action is structured in imitation of the courtly epic. 
Nonetheless, the Cantari should be understood as a 
form of adaptation in their own right. They took their 
material from medieval paraphrases, or volgarizza- 
menti (see below), and at times from the Old French 
verse adaptations of Classical epics. They were not 

aimed at a highly-educated courtly audience, rather at 
the more simple, unequally educated levels of the Italian 
communes, where the cantari were enjoyed as a literary 
form of entertainment. This is borne out by the formal 
characteristics of the genre: a lot of action, fast narra- 
tive pace, relatively simple syntax and a striking ar- 
rangement of plot. The earliest cantari with Classical 
themes go back to the 14th cent, (for example the Can- 
tare di Piramo e Tisbe ); numerous others from the 13th 
and 1 6th cents, rework the subject matter of the Aeneid 
or episodes from the Metamorphoses. Then they were 
gradually replaced by adaptations, which followed the 
form of the cantare, now enhanced into an artistic genre 
called the romanzo (Boiardo, Ariosto). 

E. Verse and Prose Paraphrases 

Characteristic of medieval paraphrases is the com- 
bination with commentary. It was not until the begin- 
ning of the Renaissance that textual adaptation and 
commentary diverged. By far the best example for the 
paraphrasing adaptation is the anonymous Old French 
Ovide moralise (1316-28), a comprehensive didactic 
epic of 72,000 verses that supplies the themes of the 
Metamorphoses with a moralising explanation. The 
actual transmission of the Ovidian text is a simplified 
retelling of the plots, which are often structured after 
the style of late medieval romances or are connected 
with each other. The huge expansion results front three 
components: from the insertion of adaptations of other 
Ovidian texts (Heroides), from the integration of 
mythological stories from other sources (for example 
the Aeneid ) and from the addition of allegorical inter- 
pretations, which for the most part go back to Latin 
commentaries on the Metamorphoses. The aim of the 
Ovide moralise is to provide as complete a mythogra- 
phy as possible, aimed at an educated audience that, 
however, does not know Latin. At the same time the 
Ovide moralise is this era’s adaptation of the Meta- 
morphoses with the greatest impact. Its reception 
reaches into the 16th cent. A prose version of the work 
appeared in 1466/67, and it is on this version that W. 
Caxton (1480) based the first English prose version of 
the Metamorphoses. Like this version the Bible des Poe- 
tes, published in 1484, also takes over the allegories of 
the Ovide moralise and augments them with further 
allegories taken front the Ovidius moralizatus of a Lat- 
in commentatary by P. Bersuire (1347). It was not until 
the 1 6th cent, that the interest in themes from classical 
stories as fiction began to outweigh their interest as al- 
legorical exegesis. In 1532 a modernised version of the 
Bible under the title Le Grand Olympe appeared, which 
turned its back on allegories and in the introduction 
explicitly stated its interest in the style and aesthetic 
qualities of the Classical epic - a decisive step away 
from the medieval paraphrase towards a literary inter- 
est in the original text. 

F. Volgarizzamento 

By volgarizzamenti we mean the transmission and 
translation of Latin texts into Italian (volgare), which 



flourished in Italy between the 14th and 16th cents, 
more strongly and more varied than in other countries, 
possibly via the intermediate stage of French adapta- 
tions. Volgarizzamenti do not constitute a unique form 
of adaptation, since in principle they can include every 
contemporary genre. Functionally, however, they must 
be differentiated from other adaptations: they develo- 
ped mainly in the specific social context of the Italian 
city-states for a non-educated, but culturally-interested 
bourgeois audience. The most important texts of the 
14th cent, were the Metamorphoses, the Heroides, the 
Aeneid as well as the tragedies of Seneca. The volgariz- 
zamenti act similarly as mediators between the para- 
phrase and the original text as those examples cited in 
the previous section. The differences in level of the vol- 
garizzamenti are characteristic of a broadly-diverse 
audience with a variety of interests. Working from the 
Latin prose adaptation of G. del Virgilio, G. dei Bon- 
signori (1375/77) translated the Metamorphoses into a 
simple language merely summarising the contents of the 
stories. In contrast, A. Simintendi (before 1333) earlier 
translated the same work, also into prose, but did so 
from the original text, on which he based his Italian. 
Another characteristic of volgarizzamenti is their multi- 
ple function. Although, like the paraphrases, they are 
often accompanied by allegorical or moral comments, 
new kinds of intentions are apparent in the transmis- 
sion of knowledge, in rhetorical enrichment and with 
that the increasing appreciation of the vernacular, as 
much as in the transmission of the poetic themes of 
ancient texts. These intentions were motivated by the 
strong presence of Latin authors in contemporary ver- 
nacular literature, which was not comprehensible to a 
readership ignorant of Latin and without the knowl- 
edge of Classical texts, themes and forms. It was not 
least the especially early appearance of ->■ Humanism in 
Italy that was responsible for the phenomenon of the 
volgarizzamenti. Under the influence of the Italian vol- 
garizzamenti and together with beginning Humanism 
in Spain around 100 years later, similar transmissions 
appeared there in the 15th cent., often not based on 
Latin, but rather on Italian texts. 

G. Translation 

Due to their broad understanding of translation the 
medieval paraphrases and the volgarizzamenti of the 
early Italian Renaissance view themselves as transla- 
tions of their Classical sources. Prose translations 
which make relatively free with the original are already 
encountered in the late 15th and in the 16th cents. - a 
French rendering of the Aeneid (1483), one of Homer, 
also in French (1519-1530) and the first Spanish ver- 
sion of the Metamorphoses (J. de Bustamante, 1546). 
Another of the first translations of the Metamorphoses 
dating from the 16th cent, into Italian follows a medi- 
eval pattern by not going back to Ovid’s original, but to 
the paraphrase of Bonsignori. The first German version 
of Homer, translated by S. Schaidenreisser (1537), like- 
wise goes back to a Latin version. At the same time, 


however, the first accurate translations appeared, in 
which the effects of the Humanistic philological con- 
frontation with Antiquity are visible. These translations 
are based on the original classical texts, follow them 
word for word as much as possible and aim for a text- 
ually faithful account, formally, rhetorically and 
semantically. This is true - at least in its intention - of 
the first French translation of the Aeneid by Octovien 
de Saint-Gelais (1500), more so of Cl. Marot’s French 
translation of the Metamorphoses (Book I/II, 1534/43), 
B. Aneau (Book III, 1556) and F. Habert (complete, 
1549-57). The first translations of Classical epics also 
appeared in other languages. In 1515 Th. Murner 
penned the first German Aeneid (which also has certain 
elements of a paraphrase), G. Douglas translated the 
same epic for the first time into English, and Chapman, 
between 1598 and 1611, the Homeric epics. 

H. Periphrastic Translation 

In the wake of translations of Classical literature, 
which were based on the original text and shaped by 
Humanistic-philological standards, the awareness of 
the complementary possibility emerged more clearly: 
namely of a translation that orientated itself on the taste 
or the expectation of the reader and allowed the fea- 
tures of the adapted text to recede in favour of the aes- 
thetic principles of contemporary literature. This form 
of adaptation, resulting in a periphrastic rendering, rep- 
resents an extraordinarily widely disseminated form in 
all European literatures. Characteristic examples are 
encountered especially in Italy from the beginning of 
the 16th cent, with A. Cerretanis’ (1566) and A. Caros’ 
(1570) versions of the Aeneid or L. Dolces’ (1553) and 
G.A. dell’Anguillaras’ (1561) versions of the Metamor- 
phoses. In a sense Th. Murner’s translation of the 
Aeneid (1515) and the conspicuously large number of 
adaptations in Restoration England, such as J. Dryden’s 
renderings of Virgil and Ovid ( 1 69 3 , 1 69 7 ) or A. Pope’s 
Homer, should be included as well. On the surface the 
periphrastic translation has similarities with the 
romance set in Antiquity. In both cases, characteristics 
of contemporary genres are devolved onto the Classical 
text. The periphrastic rendering, however, was not 
meant to impart either historical or substantive knowl- 
edge. Its novelty lies in its aesthetic quality, which was 
viewed as an adequate equivalent of the Classical form. 
The Classical text was adapted with the conviction that 
the Classical author, had he lived in the modern age, 
would have shaped it the same way. In that respect, the 
periphrastic rendering really follows the broadly under- 
stood principle of imitatio. The intention of this type of 
adaptation is the improvement of the original with the 
means of one’s own language and poetics so that the 
adaptation achieves the level of an independent and ef- 
fective literary work. 

An illuminating example is Murner’s version of the 
Aeneid mentioned above, which may be placed between 
a translation and a paraphrase. This adaptation aims to 
turn the Classical work into a lively form and make it 




accessible to the German public. For that purpose 
Murner takes up the nearest contemporary epic form, 
the minstrel epic, and transposes the Classical world 
into the mores and customs of his time. However, the 
Italian Renaissance adaptations of Virgil and Ovid that 
try to link the imitatio of Classical Antiquity with con- 
temporary literature become decisive for these adapta- 
tions. Most adaptors of epic texts chose the octave, 
common in vernacular epic; in stylistic and rhetorical 
terms, as well as in the composition of characters, plot 
development, scenery and decor they orientated them- 
selves on the most successful genre of the epoch, the 
chivalric tale (romanzo), as it was first elevated to an 
artistic form by M.M. Boiardo ( Orlando innamorato), 
and then by L. Ariosto (Orlando furioso). The plots of 
the Classical originals were rearranged, embellished or 
expanded according to the structural principles of these 
models. Above all, the predilection for long accounts of 
emotions and expanded descriptive passages were 
taken over. Generally, just as in the romanzo the repre- 
sented reality was made to match the culture and ideol- 
ogy of the Renaissance. Classical heroes appear as 
princes; in their attitudes people follow courtly habits 
and manners. The marriage of the Classical with the 
contemporary model is eased by the fact that Renais- 
sance literature in the vernacular picks up on the imi- 
tated Classical texts. Thus Ovid’s epic is already in 
many places the model for Ariosto’s Orlando furioso, 
which in turn affected the Metamorphoses adaptations 
in the Renaissance. 

I. Travesty 

Travesty is the adaptation of a Classical subject into 
a style which is not appropriate for it, specifically the 
adaptation of an elevated and heroic plot into a witty, 
funny or burlesque style. From a literary-historical 
point of view, it presupposes the linguistically and sty- 
listically free adaptation of Classical works as practised 
in the periphrastic translations. Apart from that, it 
implies that Classical texts still have an exemplary char- 
acter for contemporary poetics, but that at the same 
time a certain distance regarding the concept of a strict 
imitatio has occurred. That explains why the first paro- 
dy of Virgil’s Aeneid, G.B. Lalli’s 1633, turns up in Ital- 
ian literature, which already had a rich tradition of par- 
odistic writing. Simultaneously with the emergence of 
the first chivalric tales, raised to the level of an art form, 
comic variations of the genre appeared. The immediate 
predecessors of the epic travesties are epic parodies, or 
mock-heroic epic, the best known example of which is 
A. Tassoni’s Secchia rapita (1624). In it, the typical 
motifs, plot elements, character and mythological set 
up of the classical epic are caricatured within a trite plot 
that takes place in the contemporary world. Travesty 
differs front this comic variation of the imitatio , pri- 
marily in that it does not take up individual formal el- 
ements or plot features, but transforms a given epic sub- 
ject as a whole, which it adheres to like a translation. 
Choosing a low or vulgar style, Lalli and his followers 

were aiming not to mock the Classical work, but to 
create a new one, an amusing and witty variation of a 
known text, which in its transformation would find 
favour with the audience. The implied criticism is aimed 
rather at the implausibility of the models for a contem- 
porary audience, and in the case of the Ovid travesty 
also at the tradition of allegorical elevation in mytho- 
logical stories. This distancing highlighted the contrast 
between the original gravity of plot and characters and 
the everyday world in which they were placed. Heroes 
and gods are situated in a profane, trivial and bourgeois 
setting. A typical device that is used here - e.g. in P. 
Scarron’s Virgile travesty (1648-52) or in L. Richer’s 
Ovide bouffon ou travesty (1649) - is the mixture of 
high and colloquial language, of archaic, scholarly, 
Latinising elements with an informal to vulgar par- 
lance. Through this the presentation of characters is 
often radically transformed: For example, in Scarron’s 
version, Aeneas remains courageous and righteous, but 
at the same time feeble, vain and pompous. Scarron 
tries to find the burlesque equivalent for every grand 
situation of the original text. The travesty therefore pre- 
sumes the reader’s complete familiarity with the origi- 
nal. Without this knowledge, the comedy of contrast 
cannot be appreciated. The fact that travesty enjoyed a 
strong but brief fashion confirms that the genre indi- 
cates a shifting appreciation of the exemplary nature of 
Classical Literature. In France, most of the travesties 
were written around the middle of the 17th cent., in 
Britain between 1660 and 1680 (e.g. Ch. Cotton’s Scar- 
ronides: Or, Virgile Travestie, 1664). Marivaux’s 
Homer travesty (1716) or A. Blumauer’s Abenteuer des 
frommen Helden Aneas (1784-1788) are rather the 

J. Emblematic Adaptation 

The adaptation of Ovid’s Metamorphoses enjoyed a 
certain popularity in the 16th and 17th cents, in the 
form of the emblem book (-► Emblems). In 1557 P. 
Bernard, for example, designed a Metamorphose 
d’Ovide figuree, in which the pictorial representation 
(pictura) of the most important tales and scenes of the 
epic are combined with a description ( subscriptio ) of 
that scene in an epigrammatic eight-line poem (prob- 
ably from the Ovid translator B. Aneau). What diffe- 
rentiates this work from emblem books in the proper 
sense is that here, the interpretation of the mythological 
scene is not yet given in the subscriptio, whereas in later 
examples the tendency increases to interpret the Ovid 
episode allegorically as a moral exemplum (e.g. in G. 
Symeoni, 1559). In doing so, authors could follow 
either the route of humanistic tradition of interpreta- 
tion, guided by moral philosophy (J. Posthius, 1563), or 
the Christian one (J. Spreng, Latin 1563, German 
1564). The best known example of this genre is I. de 
Benserade’s Metamorphoses d’Ovide en rondeaux 
(1676). The lyric form of the rondeau that Benserade 
chose for the subscriptio allows him to handle the mor- 
alising only occasionally seriously, but much more 

3 ° 


2 9 

often playfully, jokingly or even ironically. Contribu- 
tory to this is the fact that Benserade did not just trans- 
pose the Metamorphoses into emblematic form, but 
adapted them at the same time with the poetic means of 
a different popular, contemporary genre, the -*■ fable, 
as it appears in exemplary form in the collections of J. 
de La Fontaine. 

K. Other Forms 

Since the ‘naturalisation’ of a Classical theme in a 
form familiar to the public is an essential feature of 
every adaptation, basically no genre can be excluded as 
a potential target form. Thus a certain P. Galleni adapt- 
ed Book 2 of the Aeneid into the form of a sonnet cycle. 
At the start of the same century, A. Metzger tailored 
episodes from the Metamorphoses into song forms of 
late Meistergesang. A Tuscan adaptor in the 18th cent, 
converted Ovid’s epic into a cycle of novellas. However, 
the numerous lyrical, partial adaptations of Ovidian 
scenes in the Early Modem period as well as the dra- 
matic compositions of classical themes belong in the 
large border area between adaptation and imitatio. 
New dramatic works using material of Classical trag- 
edy and comedy since the Renaissance have not, as a 
rule, been perceived as adaptations (like the epic version 
of the Aeneid or Metamorphoses), but rather as original 
creations. On the other hand, it is clear that the earliest 
dramas (e.g. Angelo Poliziano’s Favola di Orfeo, 1480) 
and the early libretto (e.g. Dafne by Ottavio Rinuccini, 
1598) are basically partial adaptations of individual 
episodes from Ovid. Aside front the Metamorphoses, in 
the i6thand 17th cents., the dramatic adaptation of the 
Dido and Aeneas episode from Virgil’s epic became es- 
pecially popular as source material for the theatre 
(G.B. Giraldi 1541, L. Dolce 1547, E. Jodelle 1558, Ch. 
Marlowe 1580, A. Hardy 1627, G. de Scudery 1637, 
Fr. de Boisrobert 1643). While Ovidian themes were 
chosen because of the fact that they were well-known 
and allowed a number of interpretations, the fourth 
book of the Aeneid provided an opportunity for deve- 
loping a contemporary, hotly debated ethical-political 
topic: the conflict between the duty of the ruler and his 
passion. But here too, in addition to the question of a 
functionalisation of the material in the light of the per- 
ceived values of the epoch concerned, it is at the same 
time a matter of conforming to contemporary aesthetic 
principles, to the imitation of Greek or Roman tragedy 
in the Italian Renaissance or to the generic norms in the 
period of French classicism which were based on those. 
-> Commentary; -> Epic; -*■ Humanism; -*■ Imitatio 

1 G. Amielle, Recherches sur des traductions francaises 
des Metamorphoses d’Ovide, 1989 2 E. Bernstein, Die 

erste deutsche Aneis, 1974 3 Ch. Biet, Eneide triom- 

phante, Eneide travestie, in: Europe 765/66, 1993, 130- 
144 4 U. Broich, Studien zum komischen Epos, 1968 

(trans. D. H. Wilson, The Eighteenth-Century Mock- 
Heroic Poem, 1990) 5 Th. Bruckner, Die erste fran- 

zosische Aeneis, 1987 6 A. Buck, M. Pfister, Studien 

zu den ‘volgarizzamenti’ romischer Autoren in der italie- 
nischen Literatur des 13. und 14. Jahrhunderts, 1978 

7 P. Demats, Fabula, 1973 8 F. Gorschen, Die Vergil- 

travestien in Frankreich, 1937 9 B. Guthmuller, 

Ovidio Metamorphoseos Vulgare, 1981 10 Id., Studien 

zur antiken Mythologie in der italienischen Renaissance, 
1986 11 R. Howells, Rewriting Homer in the ‘Querelle 

des Anciens et des Modernes’, in: Romance Studies 90, 
1990, 35-51 12 M. Huby, L’adaptation des Romans 

courtois en Allemagne au XII e et au XIII e siecle, 1968 
13 A. Hulubei, Virgile en France au XVI e siecle, in: Revue 
du seizieme siecle 18, 1931, 1-77 14 H. Love, The Art 

of Adaptation, in: A. Coleman, A. Hammond (eds.). 
Poetry and Drama 1570-1700, 1981, 136-155 15 C. 

Lucas, Didon. Trois reecritures tragiques du livre IV de 
l’Eneide dans le theatre italien du XVI e siecle, in: G. Maz- 
zacurati (ed.), Scritture di scritture, 1987, 557-604 
16 J. Monfrin, Les translations vernaculaires de Virgile 
au Moyen Age, in: Lectures medievales de Virgile, 1985, 
189-249 17 M. Moog-Grunewald, Metamorphosen 

der Metamorphosen, 1979 18 F. Mora-Lebrun, L“En- 

eide’ medievale et la naissance du roman, 1994 19 E. G. 

Parodi, I rifacimenti e le traduzioni italiane dell’Eneide di 
Virgilio prima del Rinascimento, in: Stud, di filologia 
romanza 2, 1887, 97-368 20 R. Schevill, Ovid and the 

Renaissance in Spain, 1971 21 U. Schoning, Theben- 

roman, Eneasroman, Trojaroman: Studien zur Rezeption 
der Antike in der franzosischen Literatur des 12. Jahrhun- 
derts, 1991 22 J. von Stackelberg, Vergil, Lalli, Scar- 

ron, in: arcadia 17, 1982, 225-244 

Additional Bibliography: B. J. Bono, Literary 
Transvaluation: From Vergilian Epic to Shakespearean 
Tragicomedy, 1984; R. J. Cormier, One Heart, One 
Mind: The Rebirth of Virgil’s Hero in Modern French 
Romance, 1973; C. Kallendorf, The Aeneid Unfinis- 
hed: Praise and Blame in the Speeches of Maffeo Vegio’s 
Book XIII, in: Id., In Praise of Aeneas: Virgil and Epideic- 
tic Rhetoric in the Early Italian Renaissance, 1989, 100- 
128; L. Proudfoot, Dryden’s Aeneid and Its Seven- 
teenth-Century Predecessors, 1970; S. Shankman, Pope’s 
Iliad: Homer in the Age of Passion, 1983. 



I. Definition and Systematics II. History 

I. Definition and Systematics 
Economically, advertizing denotes an instrument of 
a company’s marketing policy; from the viewpoint of 
communications theory, it is a specific practice of the 
communicative use of signs. It has an ulterior goal, viz. 
to strengthen the advertized product’s position in the 
market. In more recent times, this exclusively or pre- 
dominantly heteronomous determination of advertiz- 
ing has been qualified with a view to its artistic charac- 
ter and the aesthetic means it increasingly brings to bear 
(depending in each case on the underlying conception of 

These means include the utilization of a ‘very di- 
verse’ array of ‘cultural elements’, taken inter alia from 
Antiquity [9.88], drawn on in order to credit a given 
advertized product and to form a distinctive image. 
This adaptation may be laid out openly, but it may also 
be done less obviously, ‘since reaching the goal of such 



Fig. 1: Advertisement of the car manufacturer Citroen 
(from: Der Spiegel 15, i960, 58) 

communication’, that is, successful sales, is not ‘linked 
to the cognitive decipherment of a motif’ [11.24]. What 
is decisive is not ‘whether all who view the advertize- 
ment perceive’ or ‘recognize the ancient sources adapt- 
ed in each case as such’, since advertizing is directed ‘not 
just to connoisseurs and experts, that is, to an audience 
trained in philology or art history’, but to ‘potential 
purchasers of every social origin and group affiliation’ 
[13. 134-13 5]. For advertizing to be successful, it is 
much more critical that the ‘cultural elements’ [9 88 1 
can be identified as borrowed from the world of Anti- 
quity, and hence as ‘classical’. A peculiar characteristic 
of the use of ancient elements in advertizing conse- 
quently consists in transforming [4] the ‘classical’ as a 
characteristic of a period, derived from a concept of 
style and valuation and subsequently (a-historically) at- 
tributed to the whole of Antiquity, into the ‘classical’ as 
a characteristic of quality, and attributing it [10 41] to 
the advertized products, ‘preferably (...) luxury con- 
sumer goods and services’ [11 27J. Like the ancient 
prop, the advertized merchandise or service is also con- 
sidered to be ‘classical’, now in the sense of ‘first class, 
exemplary (...), consummate, timeless’ [2. 2132]. In this 
process, preferential use is made of mythological per- 
sonages, ancient works of art and architecture, and the 
ideologems that come with them (for instance, norms of 
beauty or bodies). Thus, for instance, Myron’s discuss- 
thrower (with the head in an altered position) vouches 
for an automobile and attributes ‘classical harmony of 
mind and body, form and performance’ to it; in this 

32 - 

way, ‘the Citroen’ becomes a ‘car of classical beauty’ 
(Fig. 1). 

However, Antiquity becomes the object of appro- 
priation through advertizing not only in such a substan- 
tial or material sense, as an arsenal of single parts poten- 
tially effective for advertizing, vaguely perceived and 
used in a historically undifferentiated way. On the con- 
trary, in order to achieve its goal and move its recipient 
to buy merchandise or make use of a service, advertiz- 
ing uses a theoretically well-grounded and systematical- 
ly elaborated concept from Antiquity: that of -*■ rhe- 
toric 1 12. 157, 165]. The systematic mapping of per- 
suasive techniques by rhetoric is of special interest for 
the advertizing industry [3]. To be sure, ‘tropes and fig- 
ures are for the most part applied (...) unconsciously’ [3. 
73]; ‘advertizing teams are by no means associations for 
the promotion of ancient rhetoric’ [3. 73], yet in their 
choice of linguistic means (in the broadest sense of the 
term) they inevitably fall back on proven concepts that 
have been used in rhetorical practice since Antiquity 
and systematized in ancient theory. Ancient heritage 
finds its place in advertizing insofar as the latter is rhe- 
torical. Since advertizing is closely connected to trade 
and is based on the experience of competition, it 
belongs, like trade, ‘to the most archaic impulses of the 
human race’ [1. vol. I.11]. But as an anthropological 
phenomenon, it is subject to historical modification. 
Looked at from a historical perspective, the extent to 
which it draws on an arsenal of ancient texts, images, 
and ideologems is subject to strong fluctuations. Deci- 
sive factors in this connection are, on the one hand, the 
knowledge about and status of Antiquity (for instance, 
as an aesthetic paradigm in the -*■ Classicism around 
1800), on the other hand, the popularity of receptive 
processes (for instance, in the craze for allusions in Post- 

— ► Advertizing 

1 H. Buchli, 6000 Jahre Werbung. Geschichte der Wirt- 
schafts-Werbung und der Propaganda, 1962-1966 

2 Duden. Das grofse Worterbuch der deutschen Sprache, 

3 1 999 3 U. Forster, Moderne Werbung und antike 

Rhetorik, in: Sprache im technischen Zeitalter 81 (1982), 
59-73 4 M. Fuhrmann, Klassik in der Antike, in: H.-J. 

Simm (ed.), Literarische Klassik, 1988, 101-119 5 FI. 

Kimpel, Von der Ware zum Kunstwerk. Das imaginare 
Museum der Werbung, in: U. Geese, H. Kimpel (eds.), 
Kunst im Rahmen der Werbung, 1982, 43-57 6 R. Klo- 

epfer, FI. Landbeck, Asthetik der Werbung, Der Fern- 
sehspot in Europaals Symptom neuerMacht, 1991 7 M. 

Schirner, Werbung und Geschichte, in: K. Fussmann et 
al. (eds.), Flistorische Faszination. Geschichtskultur 
heute, 1994, 267-281 8 C. Schmiedke-Rindt, Eine 

verhangnisvolle Affare, Korpersprachliche Strategien im 
Reich der Wiinsche, in: H. A. Hartmann, R. Haubl 
(eds.), Bilderflut und Sprachmagie, Fallstudien zur Kultur 
der Werbung 1992, 174-189 9 S. J. Schmidt, B. Spiess, 

Die Geburt der schonen Bilder, Fernseh- Werbung aus der 
Sicht der Kreativen, 1994 10 U. Schneider-Abel, Von 

der Klassik zum ‘Klassischen. Herrenhemd’, Antike in der 
Werbung, in: Journal fur Geschichte 1 (1979), Heft 3, 
41-46 11 M. Seidensticker, Werbung mit Geschichte, 




Asthetik und Rhetorik des Historischen, 1995 12 G. 

Ueding, B. Steinbrink, Grundrifi der Rhetorik, 

Geschichte, Technik, Methode, - 19 S 6 13 J. ZAnker, 

Amor & Psyche, Werbung, Mythos und Kunst, in: H. A. 

Hartmann, R. Haubl (eds.), Bilderflut und Sprachma- 

gie, Fallstudien zur Kultur der Werbung, 1992., 122-139. 


II. History 

A. Introduction B. From the End of the 
19TH to the First Half of the zoth Cent. 

C. Contemporary Advertizing D. Summary 

A. Introduction 

Advertizing is omnipresent: in posters, newspapers, 
journals, radio, television commercials, movies, inter- 
net, illuminated signs, display windows, packing ma- 
terial for consumer goods, marketing for events, adver- 
tizing vehicles and models, etc. For German-speaking 
regions, despite the increasing importance of electronic 
media, poster and newspaper advertizing are consid- 
ered the best yardsticks of advertizing activity because 
of their large number of recipients. 

Advertizing is a medium of information whose main 
task is the attractive display and sale of products. It 
must attract the attention of consumers and at the same 
time awaken in them needs which the product being 
offered promises to satisfy. Successful advertizing does 
the work of psychological persuasion and influences be- 
haviour [49]. In light of its varied content (advertizing 
for products, for services, for firms, financial advertiz- 
ing, non-commercial advertizing, etc.), and the inex- 
haustible possibilities of the world of advertizing, ad- 
vertizing which makes use of Antiquity appears rela- 
tively seldom. Nevertheless, the direct or indirect use of 
archaeological objects and other Latin or Greek quo- 
tations indicates that Antiquity offers society as a whole 
a current and universal field of reference even outside of 
learned discourse. 

Advertizing existed in Antiquity as well. Entrepre- 
neurs announced their goods and services on shop signs 
[38; 46]. Drinking cups of terra sigillata from the Im- 
perial Period were provided with their manufacturer’s 
stamp in a clearly visible spot on the vessel [52], and 
were thereby designated as ‘brand-name wares’. 

B. From the End of the 19TH to the First 

Half of the 20TH Cent. 

The medium of advertizing arose in the 19th cent. 
[37; 40J as a result of the interplay of social transfor- 
mations (the collapse of the guilds, the introduction of 
free trade, the separation of producers and consumers, 
and rise of big-city culture) and technical achievements 
(use of machines, mass production of consumer goods, 
industrialization). Whereas in the first half of the 19th 
cent., advertizing was limited to ads in books, pictorial 
advertizements and posters came to the fore in German- 
speaking areas in the 2nd half of the 19th cent. In print- 
ing and reproduction technology, the foundations 

which made possible the production of large numbers 
of color posters at an affordable price were laid by Alois 
Senefelder’s Lebrbucb der Steindruckerei (Textbook of 
Lithography), published in 1818, and G. Engelmann’s 
application for a patent on chromolithography in 1837. 
In 1 8 5 5 in Berlin, Ernst Litfass introduced the columns 
which were named after him as bearers of advertizing, 
at the same time ensuring for himself a monopolistic 
concession on city billposting [54]. 

Commercial artists and lithographers worked along- 
side plastic artists in this new trade. Early advertising, 
both that designed for artistic interests and that design- 
ed for commercial purposes, was characterized by a 
harmonic-aesthetic tenor. Allegories and ideal figures, 
which the educated bourgeois deciphered on the basis 
of his knowledge, were highly popular as means of ar- 
tistic expression. For instance, many companies adver- 
tised by personifying their hometown, represented as a 
woman with a mural crown after the manner of Roman 
personifications of cities: in 1883, ‘Vienna’ advertised 
for a play; from 1885 the Cologne-based company 
4711 introduced a ‘Colonia’, and in 1893 a ‘Stuttgart’ 
appeared as the main figure in a poster for the munici- 
pal tourist organization [5; 9; 40] (Fig. 1). Contempo- 
rary content was clothed in ancient mythology. In tak- 
ing over the characteristic tokens of the ancient gods, 
however, pictorial language corresponded completely 
to contemporary forms of expression. The gods were 
represented in restful, majestic posture. Athena was 
quite popular. [6. 144-145, catalogue no. 213, color pi. 
20; 40J. On a poster by Ludwig von Hofmann from 
1893, Ganymede, the incarnation of beauty, feeds 
Zeus’ eagle [3. Fig. 202; 5. 140-14 1, catalogue no. 209, 
color pi. 17], in a metaphor for the relationship between 
art and the state. In an ad for Odol mouthwash from 
1906 [13], the onlooker’s gaze is directed to some ruins 
of a make-believe amphitheater, in the arena of which 
the company’s name is indelibly inscribed in large stone 
blocks. For a beauty-product advertisement from 1919 
[1 1], an independent domestic scene was invented, bor- 
rowing from the pictorial language of Attic vase-paint- 
ing. The beauty products, which are not depicted, are 
described by a great deal of explanatory text. The vase- 
painting scheme serves to create an ideal world. In an ad 
for ‘Triumph’ beer from around 1904 [4], a triumphant 
Emperor is depicted on his quadriga, a concept prob- 
ably most closely connected with relief sculpture on Im- 
perial monumental arches like the Arch of Titus at 
Rome, the Arch of Trajan at Beneventum, or the Arch of 
Septimius Severus at Leptis Magna. Ads for Audi from 
1909/1912 show the company founder August Horch 
in front of his car with his hand cupped at his ear in the 
gesture of ‘listening or hearing’, for the Latin word audi 
[8. Fig. 92]. 

From 1905 on, the object poster, with its representa- 
tion of the product, began to be commonplace. Object 
posters were often enriched by citations from Anti- 
quity, whose task was to illustrate the ideal conception 
of the product. Thus, in an automobile ad from 1928, a 




miniature car, with a driver and with two ladies in 
flounced dresses has been added to Myron’s Discus- 
thrower at thigh-height [8. Abb. 109]. By the position 
of his head and hand, the Discus-thrower appears to 
support the car, which, to judge by the speed-lines 
accompanying it, is racing by. In place of the discus is 
the laurel-crowned Fiat label. In an ad for Opel from 
193 z, an illustration of the car is complemented by a 
drawing of the -> Belvedere Apollo [3]. Original 
photos of famous statues were never used as models in 
early advertising 

In its quest for objectivity the Bauhaus devoted con- 
siderable attention to graphics and text. An advertising 
flyer by Herbert Bayer (1900-1985) for Dessau has a 
graphic representation of a columns express the city’s 
ancient character and that of a glistening machine part 
its new [z]. The reception of Antiquity in the advertiz- 
ing of the 193 os was characterized by the graphical 
abstraction and distancing of ancient architecture, an- 
cient models, and forms [10; 14; iz; 51]. 

C. Contemporary Advertizing 

zoth cent, marketing [ 49J works essentially with 
three methods: 1) an appeal to the emotions (success, 
freedom, friendship, love, sex, security, happiness, 
interest, independence, safety, anxiety, etc.) and offer- 
ing a ‘total’ lifestyle or artwork concept; z) intellectual 
mechanisms (surprise, novelty, intellectual conflict and 
contradiction). Difficult presentations must first be de- 
coded by the recipient and thereby convey to him the 
experience of ‘I have grasped what was to be said to me 
and only me’ [57. zn]; 3) physical and optical attrac- 
tions (color, variegation, size, contrast). According to 
the branch of communication science which concerns 
itself with ‘imagery’ [47] , images are easier to memorize 
the more concrete, the more characteristic, and the 
larger they are. Representations of people and images 
that trigger personal feelings and associations are also 
effective. Positive concepts meet with greater success. 
Images are the quickest transmitters. The time an ad in a 
magazine is looked at is generally less than two seconds, 
which is enough for reception and processing. In adver- 
tizing in general, pictures, and hence representations of 
antiquities, are not an end in themselves, but are dis- 
played by means of modifications and citations as well 
as being controlled by linguistic means, to achieve their 

In an ad for the financial advising company Ptech [z] 
the computer model of a skyscraper bearing an integrat- 
ed, coloured structural diagram which displays the es- 
sential points of corporate strategy is set against a 
retouched detail of the decaying -> Parthenon; thus, 
classical Antiquity is set up as a world of contrast to the 
present. The old has been rendered distant and obso- 
lete, but nevertheless represents a foundation. The same 
principle underlies the contrast between a cave-painting 
and an automobile in an ad for Audi [Z3], and a Xerox 
ad with a painted clay pot and scrolls [17], which 
strongly emphasizes the contrast of the old with the new 

technologies offered by the company. Le Corbusier, in 
his essay Des yeux qui ne voient pas: les automobiles 
(19Z0) had already contrasted automobiles with a 
temple from Paestum and the Parthenon [50] in order to 
show the aesthetic kinship between the world of ma- 
chines and Classical Greek architecture (->■ Paestum, 
Fig. 6). 

By inserting traffic lights, a collection of antiquities 
is represented as an environment in which people drive 
around in Lexus automobiles [z6]. A seminar on busi- 
ness technology in Israel with the title ‘Mosaic’ [15] 
makes an argument for the advantages of a site rich in 
tradition. Syria, Lebanon, and Israel are well known by 
many for their Imperial-era mosaic finds which can 
therefore embody the cultural tradition of those coun- 
tries. To bridge the gap to the present, a computer 
mouse looking as if it were made of mosaic pebbles in 
the style of an ancient mosaic was added to the picture. 
In an ad for Condor airlines 1 2.9], three runners are 
placed as black silhouettes against a yellow back- 
ground. Unusually, they communicate by means of bal- 
loons, as in -» comics. The figures themselves were 
copied from a black-figured vase-painting from an Attic 
prize amphora [36]: they evoke the association of speed 
and culture. The speed with which design in advertizing 
can be quickly rededicated to new ends is illustrated by 
a poster of the city of Frankfurt for an Aids benefit run 
from zooo (Fig. z). This time, the same three runners 
are depicted as blue silhouettes on a red background. 
Moreover, for reasons of gender equality, the central 
male figure has, through the hint of a breast and the 
addition of a hair braid, been transformed into a wom- 
an. An unusual example of the transformation of an 
ancient image is offered by an ad for British Airways 
| z8J : a seated man designated by an inscription on his 
sedan chair as ‘Chairman’ is contrasted with a sleeping 
‘Wise man’ sprawled under a canopy. In Antiquity, rest 
positions and sedan chairs are indeed signs of comfort, 
but this iconography is always found in a sepulchral 
context [45]. 

With its illustration from the equestrian statue of 
Marcus Aurelius front the Capitol at Rome (-> eques- 
trian statues) [31], the international credit institution 
Morgan Stanley Dean Witter &c Co. seeks to transfer 
the Roman emperor’s strength along with his philo- 
sophical insight and his leading position to the corpo- 
ration. The newspaper Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung 
surprises its readers with a picture running over two 
pages of the monumental pillars of the Temple of 
Apollo at -> Delphi [19J. Here, the shrine’s signifi- 
cance as an oracle and site of wisdom is transferred to 
the newspaper. The architectural designers M. Thun 
and Th. Schriefers, according to their own statement, 
intentionally chose classical architecture for their ad- 
vertizing collages in the 1990s, for instance the Athe- 
nian acropolis, in order to position their ‘product as an 
exclusive’, top-quality product and to achieve the asso- 
ciation of ‘classical, exemplary, solid and high-quality’ 
[7]. The Hellenistic statue of the -> Venus of Milo, 




Fig. z: R. Nachbauer, Stuttgart 
(Germany), Tourist Office, before 
1893. Chromeolithography, 
86x6zcm. Early poster 
advertisements from the 2nd half of 
the 19th cent, featured allegories of 
ancient gods represented in 
contemporary forms. 

discovered in i8zo and found today in the Louvre, 
which already inspired Prosper Merimee (1803-1870) 
for his novella The Venus of Ille (1837) [41], and was 
reified, modified and ironized by Salvador Dali by the 
addition of drawers in 1934 [35], stands in advertizing 
for ‘Greece, vacations, independence’ (Fig. 3), for ‘tra- 
dition and culture’, and for ‘erotic women’ [27; 30; 34]. 

In an advertizing campaign launched several times 
since the late 1990s by Radio Oi-Club of the ORF [16], 
the head of Lysippus’ Apoxyomenos becomes the ideal 
listener (Fig. 4). The typical seams that arise in the pro- 
cess of plaster molding are clearly visible. The use of 
plaster and trivial copies in the ad is explained by its 
easy availability. Many large antiquities museums 
(Munich, Berlin, Basel, etc.) have set up workshops spe- 
cializing in the exact reproduction of works of art, 
which are sold, and not only to specialized institutions, 
as -> cast collections. Plaster casts of ancient works are 
also used in 20th cent, art 1 44; 56; 42. 238-239]. Adver- 
tizing and art tend towards use of classical and classi- 
cistic models of time-tested and aesthetically appealing 
objects, first and foremost statues. Art is much sooner 
open to experimentation like multiplication, alignment 

in rows, insertion within spatial relations, addition of 
foreign materials, colouring, disguise, negation, and 
dissociation. Whereas in the art of the 20th cent, the 
goal is the dissolution of all original content and all 
historical significance, Antiquity functions in advertiz- 
ing in a precisely converse way: as a classical ideal, in- 
corporating timeless values. 

Brand names have been and still are an essential 
component of advertizing. They provide key informa- 
tion and indicate quality. Since the beginnings of the 
advertizing business, unusual names have been pre- 
ferred, often taken from Greek or Latin sources [48]: 1. 
Names of ancient gods and persons: Artemis (publish- 
ing), Diogenes (publishing), Clio (an automobile), Pen- 
aten (a cream), Nike (sporting apparel), Merkur (insur- 
ance, supermarket). 2. Speaking names: Audi (‘Listen!’, 
isthalf of the 20th cent.), Volvo (Troll’, 1927). 3. Word 
formations from meaningful Latin and Greek words or 
elements, including phantasy constructions: a hair-loss 
remedy in H. Balzac’s Histoire de la grandeur et de la 
decadence de Cesar Birotteau (1838) is called Kephalol; 
Alete, Kaloderma (as early as 1857), Nivea (the beauty 
ideal of ‘snow-white’). Xerox (from xerography, |eqo 5/ 




xeros, dry, and yQa^Eiv/ graphein, to write, plus -ox as 
an exotic and symmetrical final syllable. 4. General 
prestige words denoting superiority, value and classi- 
cism. Their abstract character makes them, in part, ap- 
plicable to very different products: ‘Triumph’ (beer, 
clothing), ‘Olympia’ (typewriters), ‘Omega’ (watches). 

On a linguistic level, short and succinct slogans, easy 
to remember in daily life are effective. In accordance 
with this principle, Greek and Latin citations are also 
limited to ->■ dicta. The Horatian saying Carpe diem 
(Horace, Odes 1, 11) is used by an airline [18] and the 
eco-friendly cardboard packaging of a collection of 
scarves and cloths [1 ]. The words ‘I came, I saw, I con- 
quered’, which according to Plutarch (Caes. 50,3), 
Caesar uttered to characterize his lightning-like victory 
in the battle of Zela, is used among others by the 
credit-card company Visa (‘veni vidi visa’) [21. 22]. An 
ad in the newspaper Gewinn Win for the winners of a 
competition chose as its title ‘the die is cast’ [20]. This 
expression, also known as alea iacta est, was, according 
to Plutarch, again uttered by Caesar when he quoted the 
Greek proverb xtipog &v£QQk|>0a>/ kybos anerriphtho 
(‘let the die be cast’), alluding to the risk of an uncertain 
outcome. Alea iacta est also appears as the motto of the 
strategic approach of the German software company 
Veritas [29J. The Raiffeisen Bank, which always has a 
solution ready for its clients’ problems, advertizes by 
using the ‘Gordian knot’, here simply a very tightly 
knotted rope before a neutral green background [33]. 

D. Summary 

The following points in approaches to Antiquity can 
be noted: 1. The advertizing of both the 19th and 20th 
cents, uses, among other things, very well-known 
monuments which already have a lengthy history of 
reception. 2. Complete sculptures with their own aes- 
thetic value are preferred. 3. Brand names are formed 
from Greek or Roman components. 4. The use of the 
Greek and Latin language, as well as of antiquarian or 
historical themes, is restricted to proverb-style quota- 
tions. 5. For the most part, highly valued, rather expen- 
sive goods and services like automobiles, airlines and 
air-travel vacations, banks, software, and computers 
are advertized: less often is it products of daily need. 6. 
In the 19th cent., advertized products are represented 
by allegory. 7. Ancient objects are valued for their age, 
their dignity, their character as ruins, and their value as 
art. The aura of the remote and the exotic is attributed 
to them, and so they function either as the foundation 
for modern times or else as a contrast to the present. A 
classicism is cultivated in advertizing, which sees ethical 
and aesthetic standards, an ideal, grandeur, wisdom, 
culture, quality, and high social prestige embodied in 
Antiquity. 8. Content-value is attributed to sculptures: 
the Venus of Milo stands for a woman’s beauty and 
sexuality, the Belvedere Apollo for the ideal male, 
Myron’s Disk-thrower for concentrated strength. In all 
these cases, the ancient object is positioned as posses- 
sing prototype status and spiritual supremacy. 9. With 

no basis in reality, products are upgraded and deliber- 
ately mystified by association with Antiquity. The feel- 
ing of ‘uniqueness’ is transmitted by means of a diction- 
ary-style treatment of ‘rara avis’ [24] and the appeal to a 
Latin technical term. 10. Ancient works are retouched 
by use of omission or addition, reproduced as details, as 
drawings or graphics, and combined with modern el- 

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Kauf rnich! Visuelle Rhetorik in der Werbung, 1995. 



A. Sanctuary of Apollo B. Sanctuary of 
Aphaea C. Oros and Other Archaeological 
Sites D. Museums E. History of Reception 

A. Sanctuary of Apollo 
(Fig. 1,1) Since the end of the 17th cent, travel 
accounts have mentioned temple remains on the island 
of Aegina (A.). The first investigations in Colonna took 
place in 1811 after the excavations at the site of the 
Sanctuary of Aphaea. These were discontinued after 
three days by C.R. Cockerell since the hoped-for sculp- 
tural finds failed to appear. In 1829 the temple founda- 
tions were, for the most part, removed for the construc- 
tion of the port. This state of affairs was shown by the 
survey of the Expedition deMoree [55. 12-17]. A. Furt- 
wangler and G. Loeschcke conducted small excavations 
in 1878, and V. Stais in 1894 [6. 41; 29; 36]. In 1904, 
A.D. Keramopoullos exposed parts of the nearby 
Mycenean necropolis on the Hill of Windmills where 
the A. Treasure, subsequently bought by the British 
Museum, was found in 1891. With the exception of W. 
Kraiker’s outline of geometric and archaic pottery and 
several preliminary reports [20; 40-48; 50], the exten- 
sive excavations of the sanctuary by A. Furtwangler 
(1903-1907), P. Wolters and G. Welter (1924-1941) 
remain unpublished. Furtwangler’s hopes to make simi- 

larly rich finds as at the Sanctuary of Aphaea, were not 
fulfilled. The settlement in late antiquity as well as the 
scavenging of stone in both ancient and later times is 
mainly responsible for this. [50. 2; 54; 35. 78]. The only 
significant sculpture found is the statue of a sphinx 
from the early 5th cent. BC, a bronze replica of which 
adorns Furtwangler’s grave in Athens [39. 80 Nr. 52; 
50.2]. Furtwangler focused on topographical questions 
involving interpretations of Pausanias which set the 
tone for the subsequent excavations of Wolters and 
Welter in 1924. These led to the renaming of the sanc- 
tuary, then known as the Sanctuary of Aphrodite, as the 
Sanctuary of Apollo, a name that still stands today. 
Moreover preliminary excavations were also carried 
out on the long-inhabited prehistoric settlement and 
fortifications which, after the resumption of excavati- 
ons in 1966 by H. Walter, were almost completely un- 
covered [38]. In the course of these a shaft grave dating 
to the middle Bronze Age was discovered [18]. Since 
1974 the structural survey of the late archaic Temple of 
Apollo [55] has been published and a gradual reconsid- 
eration of the older finds has taken place[i 3-14; 18; 38; 
51; 54-56]. Since 1993 excavations in the sanctuary 
have been continued by F. Felten and S. Hiller [5]. 

B. Sanctuary of Aphaea 

(Fig. 1,2) The temple is first mentioned in 1675 by J. 
Spon and G. Wheler. The first investigation of the site, 
which had been plundered by metal treasure hunters, 
was undertaken in 1765 by the ->• Society of Dilet- 
tanti. Further excavations followed in 1804 (M. 
Leake) and 1805 (E. Dodwell). In 1811 Cockerell, C. 
Haller v. Hallerstein, J. Linclch and J. Foster discovered 
the famous pedimental statues. In the wake of this, 
many scholarly treatises were published about the tem- 
ple, most of which identified the site with Zeus Panhel- 
lenios or Athena. [7. 10-21; 35. 163-165; 52. 47-62]. 
In 1894 Stais excavated around the east terrace wall 
and found several fragments of sculpture. The unsatis- 
factory inventory and restoration as well as the hope of 
finding further sculpture fragments led Furtwangler to 
start up excavations again in 1901. In the process, the 
temenos and the late archaic structure, south and west 
of the sanctuary were exposed, and the designation of 
Aphaea as the patroness of the cultic site was confirmed 
[7. 1 -IX, 1-9; 49]. The site’s cultic uses must have star- 
ted in the late Bronze Age [32]. The temple ruins, which 
were threatening to collapse, were extensively restored 
in the 1950s by the Greek Ministry for Monuments. 
Since 1962 there have been further investigations aim- 
ing at a definitive clarification of the pedimental ar- 
rangement, and since 1967 there have been further 
excavations by D. Ohly, the most important result of 
which has been the new arrangment of the pediment 
sculptures [26-27]. More specific dating and mytho- 
logical interpretations of the Agineten are still subjects 
of discussion [23. 244-248; 27; 35]. New excavation 
results have been continuously published since 1965 [1; 
8; 25; 28; 34] and have replaced the old publicati- 
ons [7]. 




Aigina: the archaeological sites mentioned in the text 

1 Sanctuary of Apollo (Cape Kolonna) and the 
town of Aigina. Settled since the Neolithic, 
fortified settlement from the early Bronze 
Age; sanctuary from the Protogeometric 
period; also: main town in antiquity, with 
commercial and naval ports, as well as ship 
sheds, theatre, stadium, city fortifications and 
graves from Mycenaean to Hellenistic times; 
synagogue and early Christian churches. 

2 Aphaea Sanctuary. Sanctuary in the Late 
Mycenaean and again from Geometric period. 

3 Sanctuary of Zeus Hellanios at the foot 
of the Oros, from Archaic period. 

4 Oros: Bronze Age peak settlement and 
sanctuary in Late Mycenaean and again 
from Geometric period. 

5 Water pipe 

6 Dragunera: 'minor sanctuary' 

7 Palaeochora: the ancient Oie (?), main 
town of Aigina in Byzantine and 
medieval times 

8 Tripiti: small sanctuary and settlement of the 
Classical and Hellenistic periods 

9 Pyrgazi: Archaic (?) and Classical (?) settlements 

10 Kilindra: Mycenaean graves 

1 1 Lazarides: Mycenaean settlement and graves 

12 Perdika: Mycenaean graves 

Altitute (in metres) 

0 50 100 200 300 400 

C. Oros and Other Archaeological Sites 
(Fig.i, 3-4) The highest mountain on A. is often 
mentioned in travel writings of the 19th cent. The first 
survey of remains was carried out by the Expedition de 
Moree in 1829, followed by the first excavations of 
Stais in 1894. The brief excavations by Furtwangler 
(1905, 1907) and Welters (1933) have never been fully 
published [45. 91-92; 46. 8-14]. They confirm, how- 
ever, the localisation of the Sanctuary of Zeus Hellanios 
at Oros [33] contrary to the commonly held view, 
which sited the Sanctuary of Aphaea here on the ter- 
raced area at the foot of Oros. Furtwangler’s and Welt- 
er’s dating and reconstruction have been confirmed 
since 1995 by surveys [15] and since 1996 by secondary 
excavations carried out by H.R. Goette. The excavati- 
ons of Furtwangler and Welter on the summit (Illustra- 
tion 1,4) likewise remain almost completely unpublish- 
ed. A middle Bronze Age settlement and a Mycenean 

sanctuary are likely [7. 473-474; 31; 33; 41. 187; 45. 
26; 46. 14-16]. Since geometric times, the Summit 
Sanctuary of Zeus-Hellanios-in addition to an altar [33; 
46. i4-i6]-was provided with a roofed cultic structure 
possibly fromaround 500 BC [15]. Apart from the two 
large excavation sites of Aphaea and Colonna and the 
mountain of Oros, a topographical survey and prelimi- 
nary digs have been carried out at many sites on the 
island (Illustration 1): the town of A. with its harbour, 
synagogue and early Christian churches (1) [19], the 
aqueduct (5), the so-called small sanctuary in Dragu- 
nera (6), Palaeochora (7), Tripiti (8), Pyrgazi (9), Kilin- 
dra (10). The results of these were to appear in volumes 
of the series started by Furtwangler (Vol. 1: Aphaea 
[7]), but they were never published. Additional sites 
from Antiquity are marked on the map by H. Thiersch 
[7]. New unmarked finds include A. Town (1) [30], 
Lazarides (11) [4] and Perdika (12) [10. 26]. 


4 6 


D. Museums 

The institution of a national museum was part of the 
self image of the newly founded Greek state. Between 
1829 and 1832 it was in A., the first Greek capital [16. 
11-40]. During this period, finds from all over Greece 
were brought to A. Some, such as funerary steles from 
Greater Delos, remain in the Museum of A. Others, 
such as the Stele front Salamis [3. 396-398 Nr. 1550], 
possibly from A. originally, were transferred to Athens 
after 1832. In 1927, the Museum of A. was moved to 
the old school building by Welter [43J. The collection 
suffered losses in World War II, notably sculpture frag- 
ments from the Sanctuary of Aphaea [27. XII]. The new 
museum of A. Colonna was opened in 1981 and finds 
that were in the older museum have, for the most part, 
been transferred there. Finds from Colonna, sculpture 
fragments and the famous inscription from Aphaea as 
well as finds from other sites on the island have been 
displayed since the museum was re-opened in 1997. 
The Aphaea Museum, which includes a partial recon- 
struction of the older Poros Temple, was built in 1968. 

E. History of Reception 

The first attempts at interpretation came with the 
rediscovery of the Temple of Aphaea in the 19th cent. 
The ruins were generally identified either with the 
Temple of Zeus Panhellenios or Athena and together 
with the sculptures, linked with the Persian War. This 
corresponds with its interpretation as a Victory or Na- 
tional monument [24. 678; 33. 132, 162-163]. The 
pedimental statues front the temple (Agineten) were 
bought in 1823 by the crown prince of Bavaria, later 
King Ludwig I, and first displayed in the workshop of 
M. Wagner in Rome. Between 1816 and 1818 they were 
restored and completed in a modern fashion by B. Thor- 
valdsen and staff under Wagner’s supervision, some- 
thing which earned praise and admiration as well as 
criticism. ]9; 21; 27. XII; 52. 23-72]. Through the res- 
toration, Thorvaldsen was stimulated (for his own 
work), e.g. the Hoffung later acquired by C.v. Hum- 
boldt [2. 155; 11. 64-74; 2I - 4 °; - 7 • XV]. In 1828, 
following Cockerell’s recommendations, the Agineten 
were grouped together in the room called the Agineten- 
saal in the Glyptothek, itself designed by L.v.Klenze to 
be a classical work of art. Although desired by Ludwig 
I, the exhibition was disowned by Wagner and Thor- 
valdsen, [52. 68-70; 53. 37-41, 98-100J. It was with 
the discovery of the Agineten , which were up until then 
the first original pre-classical sculpture known, that re- 
search into archaic sculpture began. At the same time, 
in accordance with the Zeitgeist, significance was at- 
tached to the Agineten in terms of cultural develop- 
ment, Winckelmann’s writings, and the already-known 
Elgin Marbles, although their aesthetic value was re- 
ceived with reserve [21. 40; 23. 10-11J. Thus Goethe’s 
judgement inclined towards the negative (Sophienaus- 
gabe IV. 29, Nr. 8024) [9. 314; 37. 108], while K. O. 
Muller and - in his later works - Cockerell, too, made 
more positive comments about the Agineten [21; 24. 

677-679]. After much intense discussion, Thorvald- 
sen’s restorative additions were removed for the new 
display in 1966 [9; 21; 22; 26]. 

-> Aegina; -*■ Aphaea; -> Apollo; -> Architectural sculp- 
ture; -> Dictynna; -> Oros; -> Water pipes; > Zeus 

1 H. Bankel, Der spatarchaische Tempel der Aphaia auf 
Aegina, 1993 2 K. Bott, Wechselbeziehungen zwischen 
Thorvaldsen und seinen deutschen Auftraggebern, in: 
Analecta Romana Instituti Danici, Suppl. 18, 1991, 149- 
167 3 C. W. Clairmont, Classical Attic Tombstones, 

vol. I, 1993 4 K. Efstratiou, Lazarides, in: Archaiolo- 
gikon Deltion 34 Chron, 1979, 70-71 5 F. Felten, S. 

Hilier, Ausgrabungen in der vorgeschichtlichen Innen- 
stadt von Agina-Kolonna (Alt-Agina), in: Osterreichische 
Jahreshefte 65, 1996 Beiblatt, 29-112 6 A. Furtw ang- 
ler, G. Loeschcke, Mykenische Vasen, Berlin 1886, 41 
7 A. Furtwangier, Aegina. Das Heiligtum der Aphaia, 
1906 8 G. Gruben, Die Sphinx-Saule von Aegina, in: 

MDAI(A) 80, 1965, 170-208 9 C. Grundwald, Zu den 
Agineten-Erganzungen Bertel Thorvaldsens, in: Bertel 
Thorvaldsen. Untersuchungen zu seinem Werk, 1977, 
305-341 10 J. P. Harland, Prehistoric Aegina., 1925 

11 J. B. Hartmann, Antike Motive bei Thorvaldsen, 
1979. 12 R. Higgins, The Aegina Treasure, 1979 13 K. 
Hoffelner, Ein Scheibenakroter aus dem Apollon-Hei- 
ligtum von Agina, in: MDAI(A) 105, 1990, 153-162 
14 Id., Die Dachterrakotten des Artemistempels vom 
Apollon-Heiligtum in Agina, in: Hesperia Suppl. 27, 
r994> 99-112 15 Jahresbericht des DAI 1995 s.v. Agina, 
in: AA 1996, 582-583 16 P. Kawadias, Glypta tou Eth- 
nikou Mouseiou, 1890-92 17 A. D. Keramopoulios, 

Mykenaikoi taphoi en Aigine kai en Thebais, in: Archaio- 
logike Ephemeris 1910, 177-208 18 1 . Kilian-Dirl- 

meier, Alt-Agina IV. 3, 1997 19 P. Knoblauch, Die 

Hafenanlagen der Stadt Agina, in: Archaiologikon Del- 
tion 27 Mel, 1972, 50-85 20 W. Kraiker, Aigina Die 

Vasen des 10.-7. Jahrhunderts, 1951. 21 L. O. Larsson, 
Thorvaldsens Restaurierung der Agineten-Skulpturen, in: 
Konsthistorik Tidskrift 38, 1969, 23-46 22 M. Maass, 
Nachtragliche Uberlegungen zur Restaurierung der Agi- 
neten, in: MDAI(A) 99, 1984, 165-176 23 W. Martini, 
Die archaische. Plastik der Griechen, 1990 24 K. O. Mul- 
ler, Kleine deutsche Schriften, voi. 2, Breslau 1848 
25 Aegina, Aphaia-Tempel Iff., in: AA i97off. 26 D. 
Ohly, Die Neuaufstellung der Agineten, in: AA 1966, 
515-528 27 id., Die Aegineten, 1976 28 id., Tempel und 
Heiligtum der Aphaia auf Agina, 4 19 8 5 29 L. Pallat, Ein 
Vasenfund aus Aegina, in: MDAI(A) 22, 1897, 265-333 
30 E. Papastavrou, Synolo omadikon taphon sten A., in: 
Archaiologike Ephemeris 1986, 49-59 31 K. Pilafidis- 
Williams, The Sanctuary of Aphaia on Aigina in the 
Bronze Age, 1998 32 Id., A Mycenaean Terracotta Figu- 
rine from Mount Oros on Aegina, in: BICS Suppl. 63, 
1995, 229-234 33 J. Schmidt, s.v. Oros, RE 18, 1175- 
1177 34 E. L. Schwandner, Der altere Poros-Tempel der 
Aphaia auf Aegina, 1985 35 U. Sinn, Aphaia und die 

‘Aegineten’. Zur Rolle des Aphaiaheiligtums im religiosen 
und gesellschaftlichen Leben der Insel Aigina, in: 
MDAI(A) 102, 1987, 131-167 36 V. Stais, Proistorikoi 
synoikismoi en Attike kai Aigine, in: Archaiologike Ephe- 
meris 1895, 235-264 37 H.v. Einem, Goethe-Studien, 

1972 38 H. Walter, F. Felten, Alt-Agina III. 1, 1981 
39 E. Walter-Karydi, Alt-Agina II. 1, 1987 40 G. Wel- 
ter, Archaische Funde aus den Jahren 1923/24, Griechen- 
land, in: AA 40, 1925, 3 17-3 21 41 Id., Ausgrabungen in 




Agina, in: Gnomon 5, 192.9, 185-186, 415 42 Id., in: G. 
Karo, Archaische Funde vom Sommer 1931 bis Mai 
1932. Griechenland und Dodekanes, AA 1932, 162-165 
43 Id., Ek tou Mouseiou Aigines, 1937 44 Id., Aigineti- 
sche Keramik, in: AA 1937, 19-26 45 Id., Aigina, 1938 

46 Id., Aeginedca I-XXIV, in: AA 1938, 13-24, 480-540 

47 Id., Aeginetica XXV-XXXVI, in: AA 69, 1954, 28-48 

48 Id., Aigina, 1962 49 D. Williams, Aegina, Aphaia- 

Tempel IV, in: AA 1982, 55-68 50 P. Wolters, For- 

schungen auf Aigina, in: AA 40, 1925, 1-12 51 R. Wun- 
SCHE, Studien zur aginetischen Keramik der friihen und 
mittleren Bronzezeit, 1977 52 Id., Ludwigs Skulpturen- 
erwerbungen fur die Glyptothek, in: Glyptothek Mum 
chen 1830-1980, 1980, 23-83 53 Id., ‘Gottliche, palsli- 
che, wiinschenswerte und erforderliche Antiken’. Leo von 
Klenze und die Andkenerwerbungen Ludwigs I., in: Ein 
griechischer Traum. Leo von Klenze, 1986, 9-1 15 

54 W. W. Wurster, F. Felten, Alt-Agina 1.2, 1975 

55 W. W. Wurster, Alt-Agina I.i, 1974 56 Reihe Alt- 

Agina I.iff., I974ff. 




A. The Concept B. Ancient Roots 
C. Reception in the Middle Ages D. Further 
Developments in the Modern Era 

A. The Concept 

Since the late Middle Ages, the legal concept of 
aequitas has been translated by equity, although a dif- 
ferentiation was made between the two terms, particu- 
larly in the 19th cent. 

Equity can best be described as a source of law, 
which claims validity in addition to the positive legal 
system and helps to decide individual cases. Martinus 
Gosia (“'around 1100), for instance, designated equity 
as fons et origo iustitiae (‘source and origin of justice’). 
As a particular manifestation of -> justice, equity is 
both a means of interpreting positive laws and a com- 
plementary legal norm for correcting legal resolutions 
that appear to be unjust in individual cases, as well as 
for filling lacunas. Since the beginning of European ju- 
risprudence in the Middle Ages, it has taken its place 
among the central institutions of law. It was mainly 
developed in civil law and in canon law, and later was 
also used in criminal and public law. 

B. Ancient Roots 

The doctrine of equity in post- Antiquity is a continu- 
ing development of three ancient elements: Aristotelian 
epieikeia (‘propriety’), Roman legal equity and their 
elaboration by the Church Fathers. 

The concept of epieikeia as developed by Aristotle 
(Eth. Nic. 5,14, H37a-ii38a; Rhet. 1,13, 1373b- 
1374b) means a justice higher than that of positive 
laws. In Aristotle, aequitas means that one must not 
stick to the letter of the text in the interpretation of the 
law, but rather pay attention to its meaning. Owing to 
unforeseen circumstances, abstract laws can be unjust 
in an individual case. Epieikeia then enables a mitiga- 

tion or even a deviation from the law, in favor of single 
case justice. Thus, what is at stake here is the adaptation 
of general norms to the particular, factual circum- 
stances of the case, according to the spirit of the legisla- 

In ancient Roman law, aequitas denoted the ethical 
requirements for the law, for instance in the definition 
of law as ars aequi et boni (Celsus, Dig. i,i,ipr.). First 
and foremost, aequitas meant equality of service and 
service in return, in other words, the exchange of jus- 
tice. In the post-Classical era, equity was a criterion for 
the action of legislators and judges. Under the influence 
of Latin Patristics the concept of equity was broadened 
quite generally to that of overarching justice. The con- 
cepts of caritas, humanitas, misericordia, benignitas 
and dementia were brought into connection with 
aequitas. Aequitas received a religious foundation in 
the equality of mankind before God and in the com- 
mand to love one’s neighbor. 

C. Reception in the Middle Ages 

Medieval jurisprudence was dominated by the idea 
of ratio scripta. The Corpus iuris civilis enjoyed uncon- 
ditional authority, from which to deviate no judge pos- 
sessed any justification whatsoever. The special obliga- 
tory force of Justinian law was the direct result of the 
fact that the law in question was written down. For that 
reason it is one of the signal achievements of the 
-*■ Glossators to have integrated the idea of equity 
within the legal system as it was understood, so that, for 
instance, one reads in the Exceptiones Petri (around 
1 1 60): Si quid inutile, ruptum aequitatiue contrarium in 
legibus reperitur, nostris pedibus subcalcamus (‘If 
something useless, damaging, or contrary to equity is 
found in the laws, we shall crush it beneath our feet’). 
[9]. The Glossators solved the apparent contradiction 
between Cod. lust. 1,14,1 (fair [in the sense of aequitas] 
interpretation is permitted only to the Emperor) and 
Cod. lust. 3,1,8 (the judge shall give preference to jus- 
tice and equity above the law in the strict sense) by go- 
ing back to Cicero (Top. 2,9 and 5,28), with his distinc- 
tion between aequitas scripta and non scripta. Cod. 
lust. 3,1,8 was seen as an expression of aequitas scripta: 
within the context of the letter of the text, the judge was 
to accentuate the aequitas that is contained within the 
law itself. A genuine deviation from the law on grounds 
of aequitas non scripta should be reserved for the legis- 
lator (Cod. lust. 1,14,1). 

Cino da Pistoia (1270-1336/7) established the fol- 
lowing rule for the relation between positive law and 
aequitas : 1. If neither ius nor aequitas is written down, 
then aequitas has precedence. 2. If one of the two is 
written down, it has precedence. 3. If both are written 
down, the more specific norm outweighs the more gen- 
eral one; if both are equally specific or general, then 
aequitas again gets precedence [7] All the elements of 
ancient aequitas are attested in legalistic and canonistic 
jurisprudential literature. The latter brought aequitas 
above all into connection with -> natural law (cf. 




Decretum Gratiani I, ch. 7), which justified the non-ap- 
plicability or correction in individual cases of possibly 
unjust laws. Legal studies and studies of Canon law 
have in common that aequitas is always sought rather in 
interpretation than in the correction of a law. Equity 
was thus granted a supervisory function with regard to 
positive law. Among the important mediators of Aris- 
totelian epieikeia for posterity was Thomas Aquinas 


Germanic law of the Middle Ages also was aware of 
considerations of equity, which resembled ancient 
equity in their function, although no direct dependence 
upon ancient concepts can be proved in this area. Fol- 
lowing canon law, Thomas More defined the most 
important cases in which to apply equity as ‘to help in 
conscience fraud, accident and things of confidence’. As 
with ancient aequitas, equity in English law was origi- 
nally concerned with the balancing of a deficit in justice 
arising as a result of the strict application of norms. 
Over the course of time, equity developed into its own 
normative system, alongside common law. 

D. Further Developments in the Modern 


Aequitas has maintained its function as a regulatory 
criterion until today. Norms must be interpreted in such 
a way that they do not give rise to unjust results in 
individual cases. In this context, particular attention 
must be paid to the meaning of rules. Similar to epie- 
ikeia is the definition of equity in a treatise by Johannes 
Oldendorp (c. 1488-1567): Billigkeit ist ein Urteil der 
natiirlichen Vernunft, wodurch weltliche Gesetze 
gemildert und auf ein rechtes Leben ausgerichtet 
werden (‘equity is a judgment of natural reason, where- 
by secular laws are mitigated and directed towards an 
upright life’) [6]. Moreover, the circumstances of the 
individual case should be of critical importance. Span- 
ish Late Scholastic thought consolidated the medieval 
doctrine of aequitas in a way that long remained 
authoritative. In agreement with ancient tradition, 
Francisco Suarez (1541-1617) defined the most impor- 
tant cases where equity must be applied: to mitigate 
oppressive and unjust obligations, as well as to realize 
the true meaning of the law [1 ij. The Early Modern era 
produced a plethora of essays on aequitas [5]. In usus 
modernus, a mitigation of the law in individual cases by 
the judge was fully recognized. In these cases, frequent 
reference was made to ancient roots [10J. Unlike the 
jurists of previous times, theorists of natural law even 
used the argument of equity to establish rules that were 
positively standardised in Roman law [8. lib. cap. 15, § 
9 ] . Grotius, building on Thomas Aquinus, took over the 
Aristotelian doctrine of epieikeia [3]. Deviation from 
the law because of the circumstances of an individual 
case was also just for Pufendorf [8. lib. 2, § 10]. As in 
Aristotle, aequitas was to be taken into account, above 
all in the interpretation of law. 

In Early Modern literature, there are repeated warn- 
ings against aequitas cerebrina, or equity judgments 

that have their origin not in objective grounds, but only 
in the judge’s ‘head’. Because of the danger of arbitrari- 
ness, Christian Thomasius (1655-1728) in particular 
sought drastically to limit the field of applicability of 
aequitas [12]. Yet equity continued to assert itself, even 
in the face of the i8th-cent. idea of codification, which 
saw the legislator alone as bound to equity, whereas the 
judge was not to evaluate the justice of the laws. Only 
the Codex Maximilianeus Bavaricus Civilis (1756) 
sought to implement this ideal completely (I 1 § 11). 
Later codifications increasingly moved away from this 
goal, and finally returned to the traditional conception 
(cf. Prussian Civil Code, Introd. §§ 20, 49; § 7 General 
German Civil Code; Art. 565, 1135 Code civil; §§ 242, 
315, 660, 745, 829 BGB; Swiss Book of Civil Law, Art. 
4): interpretation according to the meaning of the law, 
and filling in lacunae from the viewpoint of equity. 

The 19th cent, saw the appearance, alongside tradi- 
tional doctrines [2], of those which understood equity 
as a concept of morality and not of law, since the law in 
a liberal constitutional state must have assessible 
norms, but equity is non-assessible [13]. Nevertheless, 
equity in the sense of epieikeia maintained its role in 
jurisprudence. As Windscheid wrote in his textbook on 
Pandects: Billig ist das den thatsachlicben Verhdltnissen 
angemessene Recht (‘the law that is appropriate to fac- 
tual circumstances is valid’) [4]. 

Equity maintained its position in the 20th cent. In 
the era of the constitutional state, of course, the con- 
tents of a fair judgement are strongly affected by consti- 
tutional principles. This is especially true of public law, 
which developed the principle of proportionality, as an 
expression of equity, into a central institution of law. 
Art. 20 III of the Basic Law of Germany binds all state 
action to law and justice. This prescription arose from 
the very experience that laws do not always yield just 
results, and it can therefore be understood as an expres- 
sion of equity. The European Court of Justice has also 
taken up the Aristotelian idea of equity in the sense of a 
rule of equality and correction of laws that appear as 
unjust in individual cases (European Court of Justice, 
judgment of 20.5.1981, RS 152/80, in: Slg. 1981, 
i29ff.). The question still remains open as to who has 
actually benefited from the equity-argument through- 
out the various periods of legal history; in other words, 
[what is/was] its judicial-political function. 

-*■ Aequitas 

Sources: 1 Thomas of Aquinas, Summa Theologica 
Ila Ilae, q. 120 2 Ch. F. Gluck, Pandecten, Erlangen 

*1797, 1. Book, 1. Tit., § 26, 194-198 3 H. Grotius, De 
Aequitate, Amsterdam 1735 4 B. Windscheid, Lehr- 

buch des Pandektenrechts, Vol. 1, Frankfurt/M. '*1887, § 
28, S. 73 5 M. Lipenius, Bibliotheca Realis Iuridica, 

Leipzig from 1757, 3 6f. 6J. Oldendorp, Wat byllick 

unn recht ys. Eyne korte erklaring, alien stenden denstlick, 
Rostock 1529 (Reprint in Modern German in: E. Wolf, 
Quellenbuch zur Geschichte der Deutschen Rechtswissen- 
schaft, 1950, 51-68, here 5 5 f. ) 7 Cino da Pistoia, In 

Codicem commentaria, C. 1,14,1, 11. 12, tom. 1, Frank- 
furt/M. 1578, fol. 25, 25’ 8 S. Pufendorf, De officio 


5 1 


hominis, Lund 1673 (German by K. Luig, 1994) [Cf. The 
whole duty of man according to the law of nature, trans- 
lated by Andrew Tooke, 1691; edited and with an Intro- 
duction by Ian Hunter and David Saunders. Two discour- 
ses and a commentary / by Jean Barbeyrac; translated by 
David Saunders, Indianapolis, IN., 2003 (Natural law and 
enlightenment classics) 9 Prologus zu den Exceptiones 
petri, in: F. C. von Savigny, Geschichte des romischen 
Rechts im MA, Vol. 2, Heidelberg *1834, 321 10 G. A. 

Struve, Syntagma Jurisprudentiae, Frankfurt-Leipzig 
U738, nr. 44 on Dig. 1,4 11 F. Suarez, Delegibus 2,16, 
1 973, 77-98, 12 Ch. Thomasius, Dissertationes Aca- 

demicae, Vol. Ill, Diss. LXXIII: De Aequitate Cerebrina, 
1777, 43-78; Vol. IV, Diss. CXVI: De Aequitate Cere- 
brina et exiguo usu, 1780, 230-259 13 C. Welcker, s.v. 
B., in: Rotteck, Staatslexikon, Altona 1846, Vol. 2, 526- 

Literature: 14 P. G. Caron, ‘Aequitas’ romana, 

‘misericordia’ patristica ed ‘epicheia’ aristotelica nella 
dottrina dell’ ‘aequitas canonica’, 1971 15 N. Horn, 

Aequitas in den Lehren des Baldus, 1968 16 H. Lange, 

Ius aequum und ius strictum bei den Glossatoren, in: ZRG 
71, 1954, 319-347 17 M. Rumelin, Die Billigkeit im 

Recht, 1921 18 C. Schott, Aequitas cerebrina, in: B. 

Diestelkamp et al. (eds.), Rechtshistorische Studien. 
Hans Thieme zum 70. Geburtstag, 1977, 132-160 19 H. 
Schotte, Die Aequitas bei Hugo Grotius, 1963 20 G. 

Wesener, Aequitas naturalis, ‘naturliche Billigkeit’ in der 
privatrechtlichen Dogmen- und Kodifikationsgeschichte, 
in: M. Beck-Mannagetta et al. (eds.), Der Gerechtig- 
keitsanspruch des Rechts, 1996, 81-105 21 E. Wohl- 

haupter, Aequitas canonica. Eine Studie aus dem kano- 
nischen Recht, 1931 

Additional Bibliography: P. Landau, Aequitas in 
the corpus iuris canonici, in: Syracuse Journal of Interna- 
tional Law and Commerce, 1994; (URL: http://facul- 1 i/LandauAequitas.htm). 

tilman repgen 

Aerial Archaeological Imaging 

A. Definition and Introduction B. Develop- 
ment C. Premises 

A. Definition and Introduction 
Aerial archaeological imaging (AAI) usually desi- 
gnates methods of remote sensing, which from high al- 
titude make archaeological monuments visible or more 
easily viewed. Photographic procedures are normally 
employed for documentation of the information ob- 
tainable from a high altitude. The technical possibil- 
ities and scope of AAI have depended primarily on the 
development of air and space travel, and secondarily on 
that of photography. With the development of AAI, ar- 
chaeology’s grasp of humanity’s history has been ex- 
tended by a fundamental, distancing and abstracting 
perspective. With adequate surface conditions, AAI 
contributes greatly to the identification of fixed ar- 
chaeological monuments covering large areas, offers 
vital data on the nature and extent of human activity in 
extended areas, and when satellite remote sensing is 
used, even over entire landscapes, AAI is an important 

means for the early identification and, therefore, the 
prophylactic protection of cultural resources. 

B. Development 

[3. 33-44; 5. 1-84; 8] In a narrower sense AAI is 
based on the awareness that observation from high al- 
titude allows one to perceive previously unknown ar- 
chaeological monuments or some of their attributes, a 
procedure that one already had at one’s disposal in a 
number of different, isolated places by the end of the 
19th and the beginning of the 20th cent. In the field of 
classical archaeology the cooperation of some Italian 
archaeologists (Giacomo Boni among others) with spe- 
cialists in military aerial photography and reconnais- 
sance proved to be pioneering work to which we owe, 
among other things, the discovery of the remains of 
monumental inscriptions in the Augustan pavement of 
the Forum Romanum or the identification of the his- 
torical course of the Tiber’s mouth at Ostia [2. 22-25, 
2.9—3 tJ- During the Italo-Turkish war of 1911-1912 
pilots of the same military unit identified the remains of 
the ancient port installations of Sabratha in Tripolita- 
nia, which were covered by the sea. AAI developed sig- 
nificantly during both World Wars, a fact that illumi- 
nates the decades-long dependence of the practice of 
aerial archaeology on the development of aerial warfare 
and military aerial reconnaissance. The first attempts at 
a systematic use of AAI were made during World War I 
by, among others, the German-Turkish unit for the pro- 
tection of monuments led by Theodor Wiegand in the 
Near East or by Carl Schuchhardt in Dobruja (Roma- 
nia). These attempts proved above all useful in the 
documentation of settlements and military lines. At the 
same time Marc Bloch, an intelligence officer and later a 
co-founder of the journal Annales d’histoire economi- 
que et sociale, stimulated modern economic and social 
history by advocating the use of aerial prospection in 
the field of agrarian history [10. 101-107, i09f., izqf.] 
The methodological and practical breakthrough of sys- 
tematic AAI took place in the 1920s in Great Britain 
through the efforts of Osbert Crawford [7]. Crawford 
created the necessary institutional support for AAI in 
his homeland, began a continued personal involvement 
which survived long after World War II, defined the 
relevant parameters for detection of archaeological 
monuments from the air and handled the publication of 
and publicity for the achievements of AAI. From 1925 
to 193 2 Antoine Poidebrad flew systematically over the 
former Roman border area in contemporary Syria and 
documented extended sectors of the limes constructi- 
ons [9]. From 1934 to 1936, combining AAI and 
underwater research, he developed a layout of the 
remains of the docks of Tyre, the Phoenician port city, 
which were covered by the sea. From 1935 to 1937, 
Erich F. Schmidt, on behalf of the University of Chicago 
Oriental Institute, conducted flights in Iran, which 
served current excavations, the preparation of docu- 
mentation for scheduled excavation sites and the sys- 
tematic prospection of other territories in order to iden- 




tify unknown archaeological monuments [n], Parallel 
to the general production of maps with the aid of aerial 
images, especially of vertical exposures, AAI and ar- 
chaeological cartography converged after World War I. 
In both fields, which were also intertwined in terms of 
personalities (e.g. through Osbert Crawford or Giu- 
seppe Lugli), international meetings were organized 
which contributed to shared knowledge and to the gen- 
eral circulation of the results. The increased use of the 
respective air forces in World War II led to the emer- 
gence of aerial image archives of unprecedented dimen- 
sions, which afterwards were also able to be used for 
archaeological purposes. From these AAI received a 
further decisive impetus. Jean Baradez analyzed the to- 
pography of the border of Roman North Africa using 
aerial images, covering wide areas and taken from high 
altitude [4]. The series of aerial images taken by the 
Royal Air Force began a new phase in the study of the 
ancient cultural landscape of Italy, substantially initia- 
ted by the British School of Rome. The 1970s move- 
ment in Europe to protect monuments established AAI, 
in principle, as a standard tool of regional archaeology. 
However, adequate stability of infrastructure was not 
achieved in most of the relevant fields of activity. The 
profound political changes in Central and Eastern 
Europe have created conditions for a new beginning for 
AAI in these regions because many archived images, 
previously classified as military secrets, have become 
available for archaeological interpretation, and at the 
same time have made new AAI activities possible. When 
aerial prospection is practiced especially for archaeol- 
ogy the conditions of observation and documentation 
can be accurately established in accordance with scien- 
tific needs. The results of this exclusively archaeological 
aerial inspection are therefore considerably greater 
than the archaeological post processing of aerial images 
made for other purposes. Automatic data processing 
facilitates the subsequent elimination of deformations 
from oblique exposures and makes it possible to com- 
bine aerial archaeological images with other data, 
among others cartographic data, in geographic infor- 
mation systems (GIS), and thus to create integrated ar- 
chaeological archives, which allow queries combining 
spatial- and object-related information. With the use of 
satellites offering images with increasingly better reso- 
lution, AAI is once again closely connected with the 
current development of military and civil remote sen- 
sing, as it was at the time of its nascency. AAI offers 
archaeological science an instrument which is able to 
quantify and describe, with increased precision, the 
potential of a given territory. At the same time it makes 
available for the first time specific individual sources as 
well as entire categories of information. Also in the field 
of Ancient archaeology AAI has provided the identifi- 
cation of entire settlements (e.g. Spina) and of isolated 
monuments, especially in areas with no modern 
construction. To the latter group belong border or for- 
tification buildings and temporary military camps as 
well as farms or rural residences (villae). Fruitful re- 

search about ancient surveying is almost exclusively 
due to AAI. 

C. Premises 

Even those archaeological monuments which are not 
recognizable from the ground have to leave some mar- 
kings or traces on the surface in order to be identified by 
remote sensing. Among them are slight differences in 
height which cast shadows and the differences in soil 
color, or the height of the vegetation which has grown 
over the archaeologically relevant remains and traces in 
ground. Results from AAI are influenced by the time of 
the day (incidence of the light), by the season (the den- 
sity and height of the vegetation, snow covering), by the 
altitude of the flight, by the angle of vision or the cam- 
era angle. The full potential of AAI will only become 
evident in the long run through the successive joining 
of different sets of premises (for example, by the inclu- 
sion of the concomitant phenomenon of extreme 
drought). Fundamentally, the outlook for success with 
AAI depends on the extent of the subsequent modifi- 
cations of the soil. Among these the utilization of the 
land is very important: agriculture, especially deep plo- 
wing, urban sprawl or soil sealing destroy archaeologi- 
cal remains or make them inaccessible to aerial inspec- 
tion. Already by the beginning of the zoth cent, the 
parameters for the use of AAI were very different from 
region to region. Thus the remarkable success of AAI in 
countries such as Great Britain is due also to the local 
particularities of land-use history (with animal hus- 
bandry prevalent). The use of increasingly systematic 
aerial prospection over long periods of time also allows 
AAI to offer first-class documentation of the progres- 
sive loss of fixed archaeological sources. 

-* Archaeological methods and theories; 

-* Underwater archaeology 

1 Aerial Archaeology Research Group News, Periodikum 
1, 1990 sqq. 2 Giovanna Alvisi, La fotografia aerea 
nell’indagine archeologica, 1989 3 Helmut Becker 

(ed.), Archaologische Prospektion. Luftbildarchaologie 
und Geophysik, 1996 4 Jean Baradez, Fossatum Afri- 

cae. Recherches aeriennes sur l’organisation des confins 
sahariens a l’epoque romaine, 1949 5 John Bradford, 

Ancient landscapes. Studies in Field Archaeology, 1974 

6 Raymond Chevalier, Bibliographie des applications 
archeologiques de la photographie aerienne, 1957 

7 Osbert Crawford, Alexander Keiller, Wessex 

from the Air, 1928 8 Leo Deuel, Flights into Yesterday. 

The Story of Aerial Archaeology, 1973 9 Antoine 

Poidebard, La trace de Rome dans le desert de Syrie. Le 
limes de Trajan a la conquete arabe, 1934 10 Ulrich 

Raulff, Ein Historiker im 20. Jahrhundert: Marc Bloch, 
1995 11 Erich F. Schmidt, Flights over Ancient Cities 

of Iran, 1940. STEFAN ALTEKAMP 

Aesthetics see -> Beauty, -> Body, attitudes 
towards, -> Proportions, theory of 




Aezani: topographical map 

Ancient water pipe 

7 Stadium (2nd half 2nd 

:: Ancient ruins 

8 Theatre 

a Grave/Sarcophagus 

9 Baths (3rd cent. AD) 

10 Round building (Macellum?) 

Route of procession to the 

with Diocletianic Price Edict 

cave of Meter Steunene 

(AD 303) and late antique 


colonnaded street 

11 Colonnaded street 

gate building-cave of Meter 

12 Gate building 


13 West Necropolis 

14 South-west Necropolis 

1 Temple of Zeus (2nd quarter 

15 Funerary buildings 

16 Grotto 

17 Round pits (Bothroi) 

3 Heroon 

1 8 Cave of Meter 

4 Courtyard with Doric columns 


5 Baths 

19 Dam 

6 Circular construction (tomb?) 

20 Traces of quarry 
21-24 Roman bridges 

Survey of ancient buildings by the German Archaeological 
Institute's Aezani excavation 
Map based on Turkish land survey 

Surveyor: C. Hermann 1990/91 
Edited by: K. Rheidt 1992 
As of September 1991 


0 500 m 





A. Location B. History and Significance 
C. The History of Discovery D. Excavation 
and Monuments 

A. Location 

Aezani (A.) is situated in a rural area near the town 
of favdarhisar, c. 50 kilometres southwest of the pro- 
vincial capitol Kiitahya in modern Turkey. A. occupied 
a central location on the Aizanitis, a plateau c. 1000 
metres above sea level in western Phrygia, and belonged 
to Phrygia Epiktetos (Str. iz,8,iz). The village houses 
of the older parts of (Javdarhisar stand in part on an- 
cient foundation walls and contain numerous elements 
of ancient building. After destruction by an earthquake 
in 1970 a new town center was established about z 
kilometres to the southeast. Since then the houses of the 
old village have been gradually abandoned and allowed 
to deteriorate. 

B. History and Significance 

In its founding legend A. referred to its Arcadian 
descent in the early Imperial Period. Pausanias (8,4,3; 
10,3 z,3 ) mentions the hero Azan, born of a liaison with 
the nymph Erato, as the mythical ancestor of the Phry- 
gians who lived in the area around the Steunos cave and 
the Pencalas river. The oldest finds show that the city 
area was settled from the Early Bronze period at the 
latest (1st half of the 3rd cent.). In the Hellenistic period 
the area around Aizanoi was the object of contention 
between the kingdoms of Bithynia and Pergamon and 
came under Roman control in 133 BC. The first min- 
tings are known from the znd/ist cent. BC, which bear 
the city name Ezeaniton from the last third of the 1st 
cent. BC onwards. Since the time of Augustus the coins 
almost always say Aizaniton or Aizaneiton. An imperial 
inscription mentions donations of land by the kings of 
Pergamon and Bithynia to the temple and the city, 
which speaks for a certain significance for A. in the 
Hellenistic period [6; zzj. 

Citizens of A. held high offices beginning in the 
Augustan period and helped to bring the city to a posi- 
tion of importance through their connections to the 
Roman imperial house and through material donati- 
ons. A. experienced a time of growth under Hadrian, 
whose arbitration made possible the collection of rents 
from the lands donated for the sanctuary of Zeus and 
with these the building of the temple of Zeus. Members 
of rich land-owning families were by then Roman citi- 
zens. Some of them played leading roles in the province 
as Asiarchs and even became consuls. A. was especially 
proud of its membership in the Panhellenion and of the 
honour of being counted among the most important 
cities of the realm with Greek tradition and culture [6; 
10; zz; z6; 33]. In the Byzantine period A. was the seat 
of a bishop and had several churches, of which the lar- 
gest was built over the temple of Zeus. In the nth and 
izth cents, this church was part of a settlement on the 
temple plateau. The fortified walls of this settlement 

were made of ancient structural elements and in the 
13 th cent, they served as a base for the tribe of the 
f avdar Tartars and gave the modern site its name (Jav- 
darhisar (<J avdar-Fortress) [6; 9; zzj. 

C. The History of Discovery 

In 18Z4 Saint- Asaph, the later Earl of Ashburnham, 
was the first European to visit the well-preserved ruins. 
A.D. Mordtmann, G.Th. Keppel and W.J. Hamilton 
followed him a few years later. In 1838 L. de Laborde, 
in 1839 Ch. Texier and in 1847 Ph. Le Bas and E. Lan- 
dron published the first extensive pictures of the build- 
ings. A new phase in the history of its discovery began 
when A. Korte worked on dating the temple of Zeus in 
1890 and 1895. The Steunos cave, in which the Ana- 
tolian mother goddess was worshipped as Meter Ste- 
unene (Fig. 1 : 16, 17, 18), was discovered by J.G.C. 
Anderson in 1898 and examined closely by Th. Wie- 
gand in 1908 [16; zz; 31]. The first excavations of the 
-> Deutsches Archaologisches Institut under the 
leadership of M. Schede and D. Krencker were carried 
out in 19Z6 and 19Z8. They were resumed by R. Nau- 
mann in 1970 and continue until today [zz]. 

D. Excavation and Monuments 

The temple of Zeus was the center of the excavations 
in the 19ZOS (Fig.i: 1). The Ionic Pseudodipteros from 
the znd quarter of the znd cent. AD, with its 8 x 15 
columns, stands on a podium with an open staircase. 
Stairs, leading from the Opisthodom into a cellar with 
vaulted ceiling and to the roof of the temple [zz] (Fig.z), 
point to the performance of ritual acts both in the cellar 
and on the roof. But the excavators’ hypothesis that the 
temple was a double sanctuary in which the cult of 
Cybele was observed in the cellar has not been con- 
firmed [z6]. The temple has a pronounced ancient ap- 
pearance because of its overall design and the develop- 
ment of some details such as the Ionic arrangement of 
the ringed hall (Fig. 3). The retrospective architectural 

Fig. z: Temple of Zeus; transverse section with cellar 
and reconstruction of stairs. 

With Permission of the Aizanoi-excavation of the 
Deutsches Archaologisches Insitut 



6 o 

Fig. 3 : Temple of Zeus; view from the northwest after 
completion of the measures to secure the timberwork 1996. 
With Permission of the Aizanoi-excavation of the 
Deutsches Archdologisches Institut 

language of the building and the reversion to Hellenistic 
models can be related to the desire for antiquity and for 
a Greek legacy, which reflected the city’s membership in 
the Panhellenion 1 2.6; 30; 34). The building of the 
temple of Zeus was the start of the representative ex- 
pansion of the city center and was followed shortly 
afterwards by the so-called Agora (Fig. 1 : 2) with a small 
podium temple that has been interpreted as a Heroon 
(Fig.i; 3) [17; 22] by and the halls around the temple. 
Only the court with Doric columns (Fig.i: 4) [13; 22] 
was built before the temple of Zeus (Fig.4). 

The excavations and research of the 1920s were not 
published until 1979 by R. Naumann, since Krenkker 
and Schede did not survive World War II. Naumann 
pleaded for the resumption of the excavation in A. in 
the aftermath of the earthquake of 1970 and began by 
examining several smaller structures, among them the 
Heroon on the Agora [17] and the circular building 
(Fig.i: 10) on the eastern bank of the Pencalas, which 

has the Diocletian price edict from the year AD 301 on 
its wall [21]. Regular excavations have taken place 
since 1978, concentrating on the thermal gymnasium 
from the 2nd half of the 2nd cent. AD (Fig.i: 5) [ 1 1 , 12, 
13]. From 1982 to 1984 Naumann, making individual 
investigations near the reservoir (Fig. 1: 19) and the 
Doric hall of columns (Fig.i: 4), uncovered a building 
made of large limestone blocks (Fig.i: 9), in which a 
second thermal bath with rich mosaics was added in the 
3rd cent. AD From the 4th or 5th cent, onwards struc- 
tural alterations were made to the main halls and given 
Christian furnishings [13; 1 4 ] . A. Hoffmann excavated 
from 1982 to 1990 in order to clarify the structural 
history of the theater-stadium complex (Fig.i: 7, 8), 
concluding that the stadium was constructed in several 
phases beginning in the 2nd half of the 2nd cent. AD, 
but was abandoned around the middle of the 4th cent, 
and used as a stone quarry [3 ; 4 1 . 

Since 1990 the members of the A. excavation team, 
under the leadership of K. Rheidt, have been investi- 
gating the entire city. By examining the urban relation- 
ships between monumental structures [23; 26], pottery 
[ 1 J , building ornaments, gravestones [5; 29] and in- 
scriptions [6; 32; 33; 3 4 1 they are trying to work out a 
picture of A.’s topography and history in its various 
phases of development from its beginnings until the ru- 
ins were included in the houses and gardens of the vil- 
lage of (Javdarhisar, as well as placing it in a larger 
historical context. This new phase of the A. excavation, 
which was supplemented by emergency excavations of 
the Kiitahya Museum [28; 3 5], yielded the fact that the 
city, in spite of its efforts to imitate Roman models with 
temples, thermal baths and theater-stadium, did not 
give up its Anatolian roots until well into the late Im- 
perial period. The 2nd cent. AD system of urban plan- 
ning could not be integrated with the new monumental 
structures. In contrast, the broad, columned street 
(Fig.i: 11) with an ornamental gate (Fig. 1. 12) [12], 

Fig. 4: Town centre in the Imperial period; perspective reconstruction by D. Krencker, drawing by O. Heck. 
With Permission of the Aizanoi-excavation of the Deutsches Archdologisches Institut 



6 1 

Fig. 5: The late antique colonnade after anastylosis. 
With Permission of the Aizanoi-excavation of the 
Deutsches Archaologisches Institut 

which was the backbone of this system of streets, was 
aligned with the sanctuary of Meter Steunene (Fig.i: 
16, 17, 18) and was adorned with the tombs of the 
richest families of A. around the middle of the 2nd cent. 
AD [23; 26]. 

Between 1992 and 1995 a columned street from Late 
Antiquity was uncovered, built around AD 400 out of 
parts of older buildings (Fig.i: 10; Fig. 5), into which 
inscription bases and statues were integrated [7]. 
Among them were building parts from the temple of 
Artemis from the middle of the 1st cent. AD (Fig. 6). 
There was a regularly arranged city precinct on the east- 
ern bank of the Pencalas river by the 1st half of the 1st 
cent. AD, which replaced late Hellenistic workshops 
and potteries [1; 24; 26]. Since 1996 excavation in A. 
has concentrated again on the temple of Zeus (Fig.i: 1) 
[25]. Excavations are being carried out south of the 
temple and at the southern corner of the temple plateau, 
which have been identified as the remains of a settle- 
ment mound. 

1 N. Atik, Die Keramik aus Aezani, in: AA 1995,729-739 

2 W. Gunther, Ein Ehrendekret post mortem aus Aezani, 

in: MDAI(Ist) 25, 1975, 351-356 3 A. Hoffmann, 

Aezani. Erster Vorbericht iiber die Arbeiten im Stadion 
1982-1984, in: AA 1986, 683-698 4 Id., Aezani Zweiter 
Vorbericht iiber die Arbeiten im Stadion 1987. 1988 und 
1990, in: AA 1993, 437~473 5 K. Jes, ‘Gebaute’ Tiir- 

grabsteine in Aezani, in: MDAI(Ist) 47, 1997, 231-250 
6 B. Levick, S. Mitchell, J. Potter, M. Waelkens 
(eds.), Monuments from the Aizanitis recorded by 
C.W.M. Cox, A. Cameron, and J.Cullen, MAMA IX, 
1988 7 H. C. v. Mosch, Eine neue Replik des Satyrs mit 
der Querflote und ihre Aufstellung in spat antikem Kon- 
text, in: AA 1995, 741-753 8 Id., Ein neuer Portraitfund 
aus Aezani, in: AA 1993, 509-515 9 C. Naumann, Die 
mittelalterliche Festung von Aezani -£avdarhisar, in: 
MDAI(Ist) 35, 1985,275-294 10 F. Naumann, Ulpii von 
Aezani, in: MDAI(Ist) 35, 1985, 217-226 11 R. Nau- 

mann, F. Naumann, Aezani. Bericht iiber die Ausgrabun- 
gen und Untersuchungen 1978, in: AA 1980, 123-136 
12 R. Naumann, Aezani. Bericht iiber die Ausgrabungen 
und Untersuchungen 1979 und 1980, in: AA 1982, 345- 

Fig. 6: Artemisium; this reconstruction of the temple 
front incorporates elements that were built into the hall 
architecture of the late antique colonnade. 

With Permission of the Aizanoi-excavation of the 
Deutsches Archaologisches Institut 

382 13 R. Naumann, F. Naumann, Aezani. Bericht iiber 
die Ausgrabungen und Untrsuchungen 1981 und 1982, in: 
AA 1984, 453-530 14 Id., Aezani. Bericht iiber die Aus- 
grabungen und Untersuchungen 1983 und 1984, in: AA 
1987,301-358 15 R. Naumann, Die Bedeutung der Tiir- 
steine bei den Kaianlagen an der Agora in Aezani, in: 
MDAI(Ist) 25, 1975, 343 - 35 ° 16 Id., Das Heiligtum der 
Meter Steunene bei Aezani, in: MDAI(Ist) 17, 1967, 218- 
247 17 Id., Das Heroon auf der Agora in Aezani, in: 

MDAI(Ist) 23/24, 1973/74, 185-197 18 Id., Romische 

Friese und Schrankenplatten aus Kleinasien, in: MDAI(R) 
86, 1979, 331-337 19 Id., Ein romischer Brunnen in 

ezani, in: Boreas 6, 1983, 162-167 20 Id., Romischer 

Grabbau westlich des Zeus-Tempelareals in Aezani, in: 
MDAI(Ist) 44, 1994, 303-306 21 R. Naumann, F. Nau- 
mann, Der Rundbau in Aezani, 10. Beih. MDAI(Ist), 
1973 22 R. Naumann, Der Zeustempel zu Aezani, in: 

Denkmaler Ant. Architektur 12, 1979 23 K. Rheidt, 

Aezani. Vorbericht iiber die Forschung zur historischen 
Topographie, in: AA 1993, 475-507 24 Id., Aezani. 

Bericht iiber die Ausgrabungen und Untersuchungen 1992 
und 1993, in: AA 1995, 693-718 25 Id., Aezani. Bericht 
iiber die Ausgrabungen, Restaurierungen und Sicherungs- 
arbeiten 1994, 1995 und 1 996, in: AA 1997, 431-473 
26 Id., Romischer Luxus - Anatolisches Erbe. Aezani in 
Phrygien - Entdeckung, Ausgrabung und neue For- 
schungsergebnisse, in: Ant. Welt 28, 1 997, 479-499 27 L. 
Robert, Documents d’Asie Mineure XVIII. Fleuves et 
Cultes d’A., in: BCH 105, 1981, 331-360 28 M. Turk- 
tuzun, Zwei Saulensarkophage aus der Siidwestnekro- 
pole in Aezani, in: AA 1993, 517-526 29 M. Waelkens, 
Die kleinasiatischen Tursteine, 1986 30 H. Weber, Der 
Zeustempel von Aezani - Ein panhellenisches Heiligtum 
der Kaiserzeit, in: MDAI(A) 84, 1969, 182-201 31 Th. 
Wiegand, MHTHP ZTEYNHNH, in: MDAI(A) 36, 1911, 
302-307 32 M. Worrle, Inschriftenfunde von der Hal- 
lenstrassengrabung in Aezani 1992, in: AA 1995, 719-727 
33 Id., Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Aezani I, in: Chiron 22, 
1992, 337-376 34 Id., Neue Inschriftenfunde aus Aezani 
II: Das Problem der Ara von Aezani, in: Chiron 25, 1995, 
63-81 35 U. Wulf, Zwei Grabbauten in der Sudwest- 

nekropole von Aezani, in: AA 1993, 527-541. 





Affects, Theory of (Musical) Although affects were 
themes in Classical philosophy and rhetoric, incidental- 
ly also in the ethical doctrine of music (-> Music), there 
was no specific theory of musical affects. That melodies 
and rhythms affected different souls in different man- 
ners had been demonstrated by Boethius inst. mus. 1,1) 
as a transmitter of the idea (Pythagoras, Plato rep. 
3,398-401). After the nth cent., the attempt was made 
to link the ->■ Musical theory of keys in Gregorian 
chant with the ethical doctrine of music. Connected 
with the reception of Aristotle (pol. 8; eth. Nic.), com- 
mentaries which discussed the question of ethics and 
affects in musical keys used in church first appeared 
around 1300 (Petrus de Alvernia and Guido von Saint- 
Denis 1 13 J, Walter Burley [12]). In the Renaissance, 
though the idea originated with words set to music in 
the late Middle Ages, the combination of music and 
words changed into a ‘speaking art’, which absorbed 
elements of both classical rhetoric and rhythm. Just as 
art’s most noble challenge was to imitate nature, so too 
music’s was to represent human affects. The theory of 
musical affects arising in the 1 6th cent, came out of the 
study of living speech and was joined to Classical rheto- 
ric with its requirement that it entertain and move 
( delectare , movere. Quint, inst. or. 12,10,59). Added to 
this came the Greek teachings of the four humours 
(Galen; -> Humoral Theory). Ramos de Pareja [7. 
5 6f.J associated the four basic keys to the four humours 
(temperaments): tonus protus associated with the 
phlegmatic temperament, tonus deuterus with the colic, 
tonus tritus with the sanguine and tonus tetrardus with 
the melancholic. Renaissance theoreticians stressed 
that the ethical and affective content of a text should be 
expressed in a musical key [ij. In another development, 
Gioseffo Zarlino [8. 3, 10. Kap.J, constructed a new 
system: intervals ‘without half tones’ (whole tones, 
major third, major sixth) express joyful affects; those 
‘with half tones’ (minor third, minor sixth), sad affects. 
In Germany the musical or rhetorical theory of figures 
absorbed the theory of affects. The theory of musical 
affects acquired its greatest importance, with a precur- 
sor in the Italian madrigals, in the rise of monody at the 
end of the 16th cent. On the advice of philologist Giro- 
lamo Mei, the Florentine Camerata around Giovanni 
Bardi rejected polyphony and announced that the song 
of passionate expression was the new ideal (cant are con 
affetto ) [2]). In Claudio Monteverdi’s madrigals (1567- 
1643) the three affects were ira, temperanza and 
humilta, which corresponded to his stile concitato, stile 
temper ato and stile molle [6]. After the first experiences 
with the new genre called -> Opera particularly those 
of Monteverdi, Giovanni Battista Doni [3] differenti- 
ated three styles of new singing: simple recitative (stile 
recitativo ), a style in which song clarified the affective 
content of the words (stile espressivo) and impassioned 
and dramatic singing (stile rappresentativo). Marin 
Mersenne [5] offered an elaborate system of musical 
affects that embraced both polyphony and instruments. 
Affects in music and the theory of musical affects played 

an important role in the teaching of music in the follow- 
ing era (e.g. Rameau, Mattheson, Marpurg, Kuhnau, 
Heinichen), but here at this point one can hardly still 
speak of a Classical reception. 

-> Aristotelianism; -> Music 

Sources: 1 N. Burtius, Musices opusculum, Bologna 
1487 (repr.1969) 2 G. Caccini, Nuove musiche, Pref- 
ace, Florence 1602, 3 G. B. Doni, Annotazioni sopra il 

Compendia (...) Rome 1640 4 H. Finck, Practica 

musica, Wittenberg 1556 5 M. Mersenne, Harmonie 

universelle, Paris 1636 6 C. Monteverdi, Preface to 

Vol. 8 of Madrigals, Venice 163 8 7 R. de Pareja, Musica 

practica (1482), (ed.) J. Wolf, 1901 8 G. Zarlino, 

Istitutioni harmoniche, Venice 1558 

Literature: 9 H. Abert, Die Musikanschauung des 

Mittelalters und ihre Grundlagen, 1905 (repr.1964) 
10W. Braun, Affektenlehre, MGG 2.1, 31-41 11 R. 

Dammann, Der Musikbegriff im deutschen Barock, 
“■1984, 215-396 12 M. Haas, Musik und Affekt im 14. 

Jahrhundert: Zum Politik-Kommentar Walter Burleys, in: 
Schweizer Jahrbuch fur Musikwissenschaft., Neue Serie 1, 
1981, 9-22 13 S. van de Klundert, Guido von Saint 

Denis Tractatus de tonis, Dissertation Utrecht, 1996 
14 W. Serauky, Affektenlehre, MGG 1.1, 113-121. 
Zaminer, Frieder FRIEDER ZAMINER 


A. African Literature in the Latin Language 
(i6th-i8th Cents.) B. African Poetry and 
Prose (19TH-20TH Cents.) C. African Drama 
(20TH Cent.) D. Classical Languages and 
Classical Studies in African Schools, 
Universities and Museums (i8th-2oth 

A. African Literature in the Latin Lan- 
guage (i6th-i8th Cents.) 

The earliest and probably best known African poet 
from this period was Juan Latino (1516-c. 1594), who 
was born in West-A. and who came to Spain around 
1528. He translated Horace and wrote poetry in Latin. 
Five published works are extant, for the most part pan- 
egyric poems with numerous mythological allusions: 
The Epigrammatum liber (Granada 1573), which is set 
mostly in elegic metre following the example of Ovid, 
celebrates the birth of Prince Ferdinand in the year 
1571; an elegy (Granada 1573)10 Pius V.; the Austriad 
(Granada 1573), which is set in hexametres and which 
begins with an appeal to Apollo, compares the battle of 
Lepanto between the Turkish and Spanish fleets with a 
battle between Greeks and Trojans and narrates the vic- 
tory of Don Juan of Austria with an occasional recourse 
to formulations from classical poetry; De Translatione 
(Granada 1574), in which Philipp II. is praised for his 
filial devotion; and a short poem (1585), which is dedi- 
cated to the Duke of Sesa. Among the African poets 
who wrote in Latin, Anton Wilhelm Amo (1703 -after 
1753) and Jacobus Eliza Johannes Capitein (1717-47) 
are also known to some extent. Amo wrote on legal and 
philosophical topics: De jure Maurorwn in Europa 




(Halle 1729), De bumanae mentis cmaBeia sen sensionis 
ac facultatis sentiendi in mente humana absentia (Halle 
1734) and the Tractatus de arte sobrie et accurate pbi- 
losophandi (Leiden 1738). Capitein published some of 
his sermons and a speech entitled Dissertatio politico- 
tbeologica de servitute libertati Cbristianae non con- 
traria (Wittenberg 1742). 

B. African Poetry and Prose (19TH-20TH 


Numerous works by African poets show influences 
of the Classics. Among a series of Cape Verdean poets, 
the work of Jose Lopes (1872-1962) is most strongly 
influenced by Classical Antiquity. This can be seen most 
readily in the titles of his works: Jardim das Hesperides 
(1916), Hesperitanas (1929) and Alma Arsindria 
(1952); he also wrote poems in Latin. Lopes was espe- 
cially influenced by the Classics in his bond with the 
epic world view and its mythical apparatus, in the 
assumption of the ‘universality’ of his poetry and the 
concept of the poet as the interpreter of the ‘collective 
soul’ of his people. Several other Cape Verdean poets, 
who show an inclination to Antiquity in the titles of 
their books of poems and individual poems, in quota- 
tions from the literature of antiquity, in lyrical el- 
ements, heroic odes, erotic themes, ancient deities, bu- 
colic framework (->■ Bucolic/Idyll), mythological in- 
ferences and stories, are Januario Leite (1865-1930), 
Mario Pinto (1887-1958), Pedro Monteiro Cardoso ( c . 
1890-1942), Eugenio Tavares (1867-1930), Jorge Bar- 
bosa (1902-71), Manuel Lopes (1907-2005) and 
Antonio Nunes (1917-1951). The interest of poets 
from the African mainland in Antiquity shows itself 
most obviously in the titles of numerous poems, for ex- 
ample Creation of a Caryatid by Wole Soyinka (b. 
1934). While the Senegalese poet Birago Diop (1906- 
1989) used a classical metre in some of his poems, the 
poems in the works of his countryman Leopold Sedar 
Senghor (1906-2001) from Chants d’ombre (1945) to 
Elegies majeures (1979) are saturated with the influ- 
ence of Greco-Roman poetry and Greek philosophy 
(pre-Socratic, Platonic as well as the post-Socratic). The 
poems of Christopher Okigbo (1932-1967) are remi- 
niscent of the voice of the choir in classical Greek 
poetry. Musaemura Bonas Zimunya (b. 1949) from 
Zimbabwe uses allusions to Antiquity in his poetry. In 
some of his formulations and in his metric variety he 
resembles Latin poets, especially Catullus, while the 
style of the Cameroonian poet Louis-Marie Pouka 
M’Bague (b. 1910) has echoes of Horace and Virgil. 

Other African poets and a few prose writers have 
also adopted protagonists, motives and themes from 
classical authors. Wole Soyinka uses the archetype 
Odysseus in his anthology of poems entitled A Shuttle 
in the Crypt (1972), while the god Ogun takes a journey 
into the deep in his book Idanre and Other Poems 
(1967), which appears elsewhere as a descent to Hades; 
the hunter Akara-Ogun in the fictional work Ogboju 
ode ninu igbo irunmale (1938) by Daniel Olorunfemi 

Fagunwa (1903-1963) is an Odysseus figure. Nigerian 
‘books of ballads’ are written in a spirit related to that 
of Ovid Ars amatoria in order to introduce the reader to 
the art of love. The novelist Ibrahim Issa (b. 1922) from 
Niger uses Homeric images in his work Les Grandes 
eaux noires (1959) in order to explore the historical 
possibility of Roman soldiers destroying the kingdom 
of a local ruler on the Niger River after the 2nd Punic 
War in the year 182 BC. In general the influence of Clas- 
sical Antiquity on African writers is obvious not only in 
the frequent use of references to ancient literature and 
Latin expressions, but also in the balanced sentences 
and well-rounded paragraphs reminiscent of the style of 
Cicero. This goes back to the Greek and Latin studies, 
especially the latter, in the secondary schools and uni- 
versities in the 19th and 20th cents, and the use of Latin 
in the Roman Catholic Church until 1965. 

C. African Drama (20TH Cent.) 

A series of African dramatists, especially those of the 
Yoruba tribe in West-A., have adapted motifs and el- 
ements from Antiquity in their pieces and occasionally 
even kept the characteristics of individual Greek dra- 
mas. The Yoruba dramatist Wole Soyinka, recipient of 
the Nobel prize for literature for the year 1986, readap- 
ted Euripides’ Bacchants in his piece The Bacchae of 
Euripides: A Communion Rite (1973), but was fairly 
faithful to the main scenes. In his portrayal of Dionysus 
Soyinka allows Apollan, Dionysian and Promethean 
characteristics to blend and refers to the Greek idea that 
a scapegoat must be offered to the gods, especially to 
Dionysus, in order to assure the fruitfulness of the 
grain. The influence of Greek tragedy can be seen in his 
other pieces as well, e.g. Kongi’s Harvest (1967), in 
which strategies which correspond to the deus ex 
machina, the prologos and the exodos of the Greeks are 
used to give structure. Ola Rotimi (1938-2000), a 
countryman of Soyinka, transfers a Greek tragedy mod- 
el and the Oedipus myth over to a Yoruba setting in The 
Gods Are Not to Blame (1971). The plot of Rotimi’s 
piece is more or less identical to Sophocles’ Oedipus 
Rex, and the chorus of the people from the city has a 
socio-philosophical text that can be compared to the 
role of the choir in Greek tragedy. Duro Ladipo (1931- 
1978), another Yoruba dramatist, composed a piece en- 
titled Oba Koso (1973), which has some characteristics 
reminiscent of Oedipus Rex. John Pepper Clark (b. 
1935), of Ijo-Yoruba background, went back to the 
proto-theatrical sources of Greek drama (origin in ‘fer- 
tility cults’) when he wrote Song of a Goat (1962), a 
piece about sterility and fertility. The title of the drama, 
in its literal translation of the Greek elements of the 
word ‘tragedy’, as they are commonly understood, is 
clear enough. After the sacrifice of a ram and the 
laments of a half-possessed aunt, a Cassandra figure 
who foresees everything and who prophesies evil in 
parabolic language but who is not believed and not 
respected because she is mad, the three main figures die, 
one of them in the Greek style behind the scenes. The 



Song of a Goat is the first part of a trilogy of pieces 
which show that course of a family curse, a Nigerian 
version of Oresteia by Aeschylus. In The Masquerade 
(1964), the second piece of the cycle, choirs of neigh- 
bours and priests comment on the plot and report acts 
of violence that took place behind the scenes and are 
relevant to the plot just like in Greek tragedies. Femi 
Osofisan (b. 1946), a countryman of the abovementio- 
ned dramatists wrote an unpublished version of Sopho- 
cles’ Antigone with the title Tegonni: An African Anti- 
gone. The Ghanaean Efua Theodora Sutherland ( 192.4- 
3:996) published Edufa (1967), a new interpretation of 
Alcestis by Euripides and included a choir since it is 
indispensable for Greek drama. Just like in Euripides’ 
piece the wife in Edufa promises to die for her husband 
and keeps her promise under similar circumstances, 
which are marked by tender love. The Beautiful Ones 
Are Not Yet Born (1968), the work of another Gha- 
naean, Ayi Kwei Armah (b. 1939), echoes Juvenal’s sat- 
ire and Platonic teachings including the simile of the 

D. Classical Languages and Classical 

Studies in African Schools, Universities 

and Museums (i8th-2oth Cents.) 

Classical languages and studies have a marked tra- 
dition in African schools and universities. Latin and 
Greek were first taught in school in the 18th cent. This 
practice was able to continue in places with strong mis- 
sionary and colonial influence. Latin is still taught in 
some public and private (mostly mission) schools, 
Greek much less, mostly in countries where these sub- 
jects are taught on a university level. One of the most 
famous schools is the Kaniuzu Academy (Malawi), 
where pupils are required to study Latin, Greek and 
Classical history. Most Classics Departments in univer- 
sities were established about the middle of the 20th 
cent, or later. In West-A. Classical philology and Clas- 
sical studies are taught at the Universities of Sierra 
Leone, Cheikh Anta Diop (Senegal), Ibadan (Nigeria), 
Ghana and Cape Coast (Ghana). In 1966 the Classics 
Department in Cape Coast opened a Classical Museum, 
which was later taken over by the Museums and Monu- 
ments Board of Ghana. In central and southern A. Clas- 
sical Philology and Classical Studies are taught at the 
Universities of Kikwit (Democratic Republic of 
Congo), Malawi and Zimbabwe. The University of 
Zimbabwe owns the world famous Courtauld Collec- 
tion of Greek and Roman Coins and has published two 
catalogs of the collection. 

-> Africa; -» Myth; -> Tragedy 

-» Schools; -> South-Africa; ->■ University 


Greek Antecedents (Diss. University of Southern Califor- 
nia), 1981 6 W. J. Dominik, Classics Making Gains in 

Sub-Saharan Africa, in: The American Classical League 
Newsletter, Fall 1993, 4-7 7 Id., Classics in West and 

Central Africa, in: Prospects, Spring 1996, 3-4 8 A. Eek- 
hof, De negerpredikant Jacobus Elisa Joannes Capitein, 
1717-1747, 1917 9 A. Bamgbose, The Novels of D.O. 
Fagunwa, Benin City 1974 10 P. J. Conradie, ‘The Gods 
Are Not to Blame’: Ola Rotimi’s Version of the Oedipus 
Myth, in: Akroterion 39, 1994, 27-36 11 J. Jahn, 

Geschichte der neoafrikanischen Literatur, 1966, 31-35 
12 M. Kane, ‘Les Contes d’Amadou Coumba’: Du conte 
traditionnel au conte moderne d’expression francaise, 
Dakar 1968 13 Id., Birago Diop: L’Homme et l’ceuvre, 

1971 14 A. Luvai, For Whom Does the African Poet 

Write? An Examination of (Form/Content in) the Poetry 
of Okigbo and Soyinka, in: Busara 8.2, 1976, 38-52 
15 G. Mariano, Convergencia lirica portuguesa num 
poeta cabo-verdiano na lingua crioula do sec. XIX, in: II. 
Congresso da communidades de cultura portuguesa, 
Mozambique 1967, Bd. 2, 497-510 16 J. A. Maritz, 

Some Thoughts on the Classical Allusions in the Work of 
M.B. Zimunya, in: Akroterion 41, 1996, 151-160 
17 A. M. Ocete, El negro Juan Latino, 1925 18 J. W. 

Schulte Nordholt, Het Volk dat in duisternis wandelt, 
1950, 17 19 O. Sankhare, Enfers greco-romains et bibli- 
ques dans la poesie de Leopold Sedar Senghor, in: Afri-cult 
4.3, Dakar, April 1992 20 Id., Senghor et la philosophic 
grecque, in: Scholia 8, 1999 21 M. Schaettel, Leopold 
Sedar Senghor: Poetique et Poesie, 1997 22 V. B. Sprat - 
lin, Juan Latino: Slave and Humanist, 1938 23 H. de 

Vilhena, O poeta caboverdiano Jose Lopes e o seu livro 
‘Hesperitanas’, in: Novos escritos, 1939 

Additional Bibliography: N. Bishop, A Nigerian 
Version of a Greek Classics: Soyinka’s Transformation of 
the Bacchae, in: J. Gibbs and B. Lindfors (eds.), Re- 
search on Wole Soyinka, Trenton 1993, 1 r 5-26; P. J. Con- 
radie, Syncretism in Wole Soyinka’s Play The Bacchae of 
Euripides, South African Theatre Journal 4.1, May 1990, 
61-74; O. R. Dathorne, African Literature in Latin, in: 
The Black Mind: A History of African Literature, 1974, 
67-75; W. J' Dominik, The Classical Tradition in Africa, 
in: C. Kallendorf (ed.), A Companion to the Classical Tra- 
dition, 2007 (forthcoming); K. J. Wetmore Jr., The Athe- 
nian Sun in an African Sky, 2002; F. Budelmann, Greek 
Tragedies in West African Adaptations, in: Proceedings of 
the Cambridge Philological Society 50, 2004, 1-25; M. 
McDonald, Black Dionysus: Greek Tragedy from Africa, 
Conf99/mcDon.htm. WILLIAM J. DOMINIK 


A. Introduction B. Effects of Landscape 
Change C. Transmission of Agrarian Knowl- 
edge D. Ancient Legislation E. Specialist 

1 N. Araujo, A Study of Cape Verdean Literature, 1966 

2 F. L. Bartels, Jacobus Eliza Johannes Capitein 1717- A. Introduction 

1747, in: Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana Although questions of continuity within the tradi- 

4 > 1959, 3 _I 3 3 U. Beier, Public Opinion on Lovers, in: tion of intellectual history are apparent, hardly any oth- 

Black Orpheus 14, February 1964, 4-16 4 B. Brentjes, er area of Classical civilisation has had such a lasting 
Anton Wilhelm Amo: Der schwarze Philosoph in Halle, effect on European history as agriculture. Various levels 
1976 5 M. L. Castello, Greek Drama and the African may be distingulshed: l( the e ff ect of measures used 
World: A Study of Three African Dramas in the Light of 


7 ° 


during Antiquity itself which changed the landscape; z) 
the transmission of agricultural knowledge to successor 
cultures; 3 ) the consequences and exemplary nature of 
Classical legislation and social structures; 4) the indi- 
rect effects through specialist agrarian literature and 

That agriculture’s impact in the Mediterranean dif- 
fers from that in the provinces or in areas of possible 
absorption outside the former empire is clear. In many 
cases it is a question of continuity of special develop- 
ments that came about in Late Antiquity, which were in 
no way typical of the classical Mediterranean world. 
The main focus of the following survey is on the Latin 
West; long-term continuity in the Graeco-Byzantine 
world and the enormous achievements in transmission 
by Islamic cultures can only be sketched. Adaptations in 
the agrarian sector at the time of the Crusades were 
comparatively minor; the Graeco-Latin contact zones 
in southern Italy and in the Balkans had more of a re- 
gional effect. An important aspect that is not to be 
underestimated is the social prestige that aptitude in 
agriculture granted the cives Romanus, something that 
is also apparent in literary works (e.g. Virgil, Horace). 
Romanticised as early as the Augustan period, the re- 
publican farmer-warrior was viewed as an ethical mod- 
el, with which an individual member of the upper clas- 
ses, for whom the specialist literature was intended, 
could identify. This attitude was, it is true, not immedi- 
ately understood within a Western warrior culture, but 
did have an effect where Latin written works became 
particularly well-known: in Medieval monasteries for 
whom the Roman example of large farms could be of 
use, in the Renaissance and, last but not least, in the 
reconstitution of the Baroque manor system. 

B. Effects of Landscape Change 

Certain characteristics of ancient agriculture have 
left a stamp on the European landscape: small scale, 
intensive crops are found e.g. in the lower Rhone valley 
and in former Raetia. Whether artificial irrigation in 
South Tyrol today through ‘Waale’ (front aquale) harks 
back to ancient roots is probable, but not attestable. 
Specialisation in specific crops in Antiquity (areas were 
used when suitable primarily for olives, wine, cereal 
crops or animal husbandry) had a lasting effect on large 
areas of land later on. The exploitation of forests for 
ship-building and for military uses laid waste entire 
regions, allowing them to erode and turn to karst; ani- 
mal husbandry (especially of goats) was also respon- 
sible. In some regions (e.g. Salzburg, Bavaria) the 
Roman ‘quadra’ field system is still recognisable today. 

C. Transmission of Agrarian Knowledge 
1. Continuity and Breaks z. Individual 
Crops 3. Agricultural Implements 

1. Continuity and Breaks 

Direct continuity in the Byzantine empire and in the 
Islamic world cannot be followed here in greater detail. 

Artificial irrigation and intensive cultivation right up to 
market garden level were of course also seen in the 
European Mediterranean world, but they lost their 
markets with the decline of the Empire. 

In spite of political fragmentation, the need for ex- 
change of agricultural products over large distances 
might have contributed to a residual Italian identity be- 
cause of the continuation of certain specialised pro- 
ducts: until late in the 5 th cent. ( Vita Severini) even the 
region north of the Alps was accustomed to imports of 
olive oil. 

z. Individual Crops 

The most prominent example of Roman continuity 
is Alpine agriculture. There are numerous examples of 
Latin loan words from this activity in the German lan- 
guage (alpes > Aim, butyrus > Butter, caseus > Kdse, 
senior > Senn and so on). Evidence of continuity is also 
found in place names. Alpine agriculture was of a spe- 
cial kind, typical for the mixed Celtic/Roman culture of 
the Alps. Demographic exchange in these areas was lim- 

On the other hand animal husbandry was to a great 
extent culturally dependent. Cattle especially belonged 
to the prestigious Roman, Celtic and Germanic upper 
classes. This may also have had the consequence that 
there was no continuation of Roman breeding: the size 
of early medieval cattle breeds are noticeably smaller. 
The herding of sheep is older than Roman civilisation 
and therefore not really influenced by it; the continu- 
ation of shepherding culture is difficult to assess be- 
cause of the lack of written sources. Sheep were re- 
placed with pigs in parts of Europe as a generic animal 
raised for meat. Horse rearing had little to do with ag- 
riculture; horses were not used as agricultural draft ani- 
mals until the late Middle Ages. 

Similar to other crops, viticulture north of the Alps 
probably followed adaptations made necessary by cli- 
mate, even during Roman times. For this reason, it is 
difficult to differentiate, from the written tradition, the 
share of continuity from that of reacquisition. Hardly 
any branch of fruit growing is conceivable without the 
influence from Antiquity. In this area one must differ- 
entiate between the improvement of local fruit (apples, 
less so pears) and the introduction of new varieties 
(pears, cherries, chestnuts etc.), whose prestige was 
higher the harder they were to grow. Continuity in 
herbs and vegetables can be presumed on a case-by-case 
basis, but because of a lack of sources, is difficult to 
prove. Individual varieties (peas, beans, herbs) come 
front the Mediterranean; but caution is needed as the 
European garden was strongly shaped by the Latin 
world of the monastery. Because of their erudition, 
monks front the early Middle Ages were able to draw on 
tradition as much as they drew on books. Strains of 
herbs, known from books, were either given up 
(‘garunt’) or substituted (lavender for nard). Pepper and 
cloves were imported to Europe throughout the Middle 


7 1 

72 - 

In the cultivation of cereals there is little to show for 
concerning continuity from the Roman period. In a few 
regions with particularly strong Roman continuity, 
Roman ploughing techniques must have predominated 
until the early Middle Ages: the crosswise ploughing of 
the ground with a digger plough rather led to square 
fields, while the post-Roman swivel plough is most ap- 
plicable to long fields. Continuity is possible in wheat 
(cereals), and in millet, which, however, almost van- 
ished from the sources, though it is difficult to assess 
whether that is because of low value or decreasing use. 
For other cereal types it is best to think in terms of 
independent development. 

3. Agricultural Implements 

Without going into the details which belong to the 
field of archaeology, two basic lines of development 
may be compared here: individual pieces of equipment 
reached such an optimal state in Antiquity so as to have 
required no further innovation to this day. An example 
that can be cited is the knives used to cut vines or fruit 
trees, practically a status symbol for the manorial lord. 

Other implements required change due to shifts in 
the social structure, primarily because of the abolition 
of slavery. An effective example is the plough: the wide 
ploughshare required more oxen as draft animals, and 
the whole span had to be driven by several people. From 
the 5 th cent, on, ploughshares became smaller and set at 
a slant. These required less pulling power and turned 
over the soil. 

Until late in the Middle Ages, cereal crops were cut 
with a sickle. Because there was no need for a large 
supply of hay in the Mediterranean, large sickles were 
certainly sufficient for cutting grass. The innovation 
front Late Antiquity was to introduce a bend between 
the sickle blade and the handle, so that a person could 
cut parallel to the ground while standing-leading to the 
development of the scythe. 

D. Ancient Legislation 

Of specific relevance for European agriculture were 
provisions of Antiquity which had been originally 
developed to secure areas on the edges of desert and 
mountainous regions which were difficult to cultivate. 
A Lex Hadriana de rudibus agris and a Lex Manciana, 
both of which have survived as inscriptions (e.g. CIL 
VIII 25902, 25943, 26416), assured specific rights for 
colonists in such regions. The so-called Tablettes Alber- 
tini from North Africa illustrate the relationships with- 
in an estate where tenant farmers could manage and 
trade almost entirely freely. Even an Italian papyrus (P. 
Ital. 3) attests to the classical roots of the ‘two part 
agriculture’, which was to become characteristic of the 
Middle Ages: the overlord or later the feudal lord culti- 
vated only a part of his land centrally, passed a larger 
part on to more or less dependent people, who to a large 
extent worked independently on their holding in return 
for commensurate payments. 

E. Specialist Literature 
1. Sources 2. Transmission 3. Impact 

1. Sources 

The work of the Carthaginian Mago, translated into 
Latin after the fall of Carthage in 146 BC, has been lost, 
but was cited with great respect by Roman agrono- 
mists. Brief synopses survived (Diophanes) in Greek. 
The Geoponika, preserved only in fragments, was com- 
piled in the 6th cent. AD and newly edited around 950 
under Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus. The oldest 
Roman agricultural work is M. Porcius Cato’s (234- 
149 BC) De agri cultura. The work, probably intended 
for private use, originated from his notes and did not 
appear in his lifetime, but influenced later authors. 
From its conception, M. Terentius Varro’s ( 1 1 6-27 BC) 
work De re rustica, was a consciously systematic 
instruction manual. The Georgies by P. Vergilius Maro 
(70-19 BC) were by far more influential, although, or 
indeed because, they were written as a work of litera- 
ture. The author himself had little practical knowledge 
even though Isidore of Seville categorised him as a spe- 
cialist writer (Orig. 17,1,1). The 17th and 18th books 
of Pliny the Elder’s (23-79 AD) Historia naturalis are a 
compilation of agricultural knowledge and commen- 
taries on the calendar. In terms of content the work of L. 
Iunius Moderatus Columella, De re rustica from the 1st 
cent. AD is remarkable even today. The work of an 
unknown author, De arboribus, was combined with 
Columella’s work already in Late Antiquity. 

The most important intermediary of agricultural 
knowledge is Rutilius Taurus Aemilianus Palladius with 
his work Opus Agriculturae, probably written in the 
first half of the 5 th cent. His work organises agrarian 
work for the first time almost entirely by the calendar, 
and for this reason enjoyed enormous popularity. 

As in many other areas, Isidore of Seville had a deci- 
sive role in handing down ancient knowledge about ag- 
riculture; the relevant chapter 17 begins by mentioning 
the most important authors on the subject and thus en- 
sures, while continually citing Virgil, acquaintance with 
the most important concepts. 

2. Transmission 

Transmission of the works of Virgil and Pliny was 
for the most part independent of their agrarian content; 
numerous manuscripts of both authors are in existence. 
All modern editions of Cato and Varro are based on a 
lost Florence manuscript (Marcianus). The younger 
authors on the subject have generally been transmitted 
in codices, and experienced their ‘renaissance’ in the 
Carolingian period and at the end of the Middle Ages. 
Palladius is also transmitted in individual manuscripts. 
To these must be added numerous excerpts and partial 

The calendars presented a special case for the trans- 
mission of agrarian knowledge. Roman holidays were 
closely connected to the farming year. The Menologia 
rustica should be understood in their connection with 
the Julian calendar reforms and list the agricultural ac- 




tivities assigned to particular months. The topics of il- 
lustrations in manuscripts of calendars, which for the 
most part show a typical activity for the season, remain 
noticeably constant, except for the reinterpretation of 
pagan elements e.g. a priest in front of a sacrificial altar 
becomes an old man warming himself over a fire. Little 
by little, the poems which accompanied the months, 
dealing with the names of the months, astronomical 
details and agrarian activities were expanded. One of 
the most extensive is that of Wandalbert of Priim (813- 
c. 870), who perhaps still directly drew on a calendar in 
the tradition of Filocalus (4th cent.). 

3. Impact 

Thus, the agrarian expertise of Antiquity remained 
available on farms and monasteries and was regularly 
drawn upon in the years of incisive agricultural 
reforms, most recently by experts in biological [organ- 
ic] agriculture. From the outset, the size of the Roman 
empire made it necessary, depending on the region, to 
consider time conversions and climatic adjustments. 
Every era drew different lessons from its models. What 
one could and still can learn, affects not just the use of 
individual techniques and methods, but more basically - 
similar to jurisprudence - the development of a system- 
atic scientific approach to agriculture: the concept 
experimentum which was derived from astronomy and 
there initially meant the systematic observation of celes- 
tial events, was adopted by Columella for agriculture 
and expanded through the element of repeated experi- 
ments. It was then possible to acquire a market-orien- 
ted, income-related mindset, which then came about 
above all in modern times. 

Writers in the Middle Ages made use of specialist 
Classical literature for their agronomical works: Palla- 
dius and Varro were important sources for Petrus de 
Crescentiis, whose Opus ruralium commodorum was 
one of the most influential of medieval works in the 
field. Most medieval agronomical works also include 
books on veterinary science, though the transmission of 
these parts is smaller in volume. This may be in part 
because veterinary science was considered a subject in 
its own right (horse breeding was left mostly to the mili- 
tary); perhaps magical practises had become obsolete; 
but it is more likely that the post-Roman peoples had 
developed their own methods of animal husbandry and 
appropriate medical treatment. 

1 W. Abel, Geschichte der deutschen Landwirtschaft vom 
friihen Mittelalter bis zum 19. Jahrhundert, *1967 2 C. 
Baufeld, Antikenrezeption im deutschsprachigen Raum 
durch eine Landwirtschaftslehre. Columellas Werk ‘De re 
rustica’ in Heinrich Osterreicher’s translation, in: C. Tucz- 
KAYetal. (eds.),Ir suit sprechen willekommen, 1998, 521- 
538 3 W. Bergmann, Der romische Kalender: Zur sozia- 
len Konstruktion der Zeitrechnung, in: Saeculum 35, 
1984, 10-12 4 S. Bokonyi, The Development of Stock- 
breeding and Herding in Medieval Europe, in: D. Swee- 
ney (ed.), Agriculture in the Middle Ages, 1995, 41-61 
5 P. Brimblecombe, Climate Conditions and Population 
Developments in the Middle Ages, in: Saeculum 39, 1988, 
141-148 6 K. Brunner, Continuity and Discontinuity of 

Roman Agricultural Knowledge in the Early Middle Ages, 
in: D. Sweeney (ed.), Agriculture in the Middle Ages, 
1995, 21-40 7 O. Brunner, Adeliges Landleben und 

europaischer Geist. Leben und Werk W. Helmhards von 
Hohberg, 1979 8 K. W. Butzer, The Classical Tradition 
of Agronomic Science, in: K. W. Butzer, D. Lohmann 
(eds.), Science in Western and Eastern Civilisation in 
Carolingian Times 1993, 540-596 9 C. Coutois (ed.), 
Tablettes Albertini, actes privees de l’epoque vandale, 
1952 10 D. Herlihy, Three Patterns of Social Mobility 
in Medieval Society, in: Journal of Interdisciplinary Histo- 
ry i 9735 623-647, (Repr. in: Collected Studies, 1978) 
11 J. Koder, Gemiise in Byzanz. Die Versorgung Konstan- 
tinopels mit Frischgemuse im Lichte der Geoponika, 1993 
12 U. Meyer, Soziales Handeln im Zeichen des ‘Hauses’: 
Zur Okonomik in der Spatantike und im friihen Mittelal- 
ter, 1998 13 A. Riegl, Die mittelalterliche Kalenderillu- 
stration, in: Mitteilungen des Instituts fur osterreichische 
Geschichtsforschung. 10, 1889, 1-74 14 F. Staab, Agrar- 
wissenschaft und Grundherrschaft. Zum Weinbau der 
Kloster im Friihmittelalter, in: A. Gerlichel (ed.), Wein- 
bau, Weinhandel und Weinkultur 1993, 1-47 15 J. O. 

Tjader, Die nichtliterarischen Lateinischen Papyri Itali- 
ens aus der Zeit 445-700, 1955, 184-189 16 A. M. Wat- 
son, Arab and European Agriculture in the Middle Ages: 
A Case of Restricted Diffusion, in: D. Sweeney (ed.), Ag- 
riculture in the Middle Ages, 1995, 62-75 17 L. White 
(ed.), The Transformation of the Roman World, 1966 
18 V. Winiwarter, Zur Rezeption antiker Agrarliteratur 
im friihen Mittelalter, 1991 19 Id., Landwirtschaftliche 

Kalender im friihen Mittelalter, in: Medium Aevum Quo- 
tidianum 27, 1992, 33-55 20 Id., Boden in Agrargesell- 
schaften. Wahrnehmung, Behandlung und Theorie von 
Cato bis Palladius, in: R. P. Sieferle, H. Breuninger 
(eds.), Natur-Bilder, 1999, 181-221 

Additional Bibliography: M. Adas, Agricultural 
and Pastoral Societies in Ancient and Classical History, 
2001; M. Barcelo; F. Sigaut (eds.), The Making of 
Feudal Agricultures?, 2004; A. Burford, Land and 
Labor in the Greek World, 1993; S. Isager; J.-E. Skyds- 
gaard, Ancient Greek Agriculture: An Introduction, 


A. Renaissance and Humanism B. Effects of 
Antiquity C. Archaeology 

A. Renaissance and Humanism 
In the Middle Ages, A. was only a geographical con- 
cept, and a loosely defined one at that. In the north, 
even what is now the Montenegrin coast was defined as 
Venetian A., while in the south, the name Epirus applied 
also to modern day A. In the 1 5th cent., the country was 
caught in a protracted defence against the Turkish con- 
quest, so that there were no favourable requisites for the 
development of — > Humanism. Nonetheless, as a result 
of the various waves of refugees fleeing to the West, 
native Albanians did take part in the — ► Renaissance of 
the arts and sciences, primarily in the city states of 
Ragusa (Dubrovnik) und Venice. Individuals of note in- 
clude [7. 28]: Johannes Gasulius (Ginus Gaxulus, Gjon 
Gazulli, 1400-1465), Michele Marullo (Mikel Maruli, 




i453-i50o),LeonicusThomeus (LeonikTomeu, 1456- 
1531), Marinus Becichemus Scodrensis (Marin Befi- 
kemi, born 1468). The most important, without ques- 
tion, was Marinus Barletius (Marin Barleti, c. 1440- 
1512). His works in Latin about the siege of Scutari 
(Shlcodra) and General Gjergj Kastrioti, known as 
Skanderbeg (Skenderbeu, 1405-1468) were dissemi- 
nated throughout Europe and were translated into 
many languages (Italian, French, German and Polish, 
just to name a few). In these, the author described con- 
temporary events in an educated style of Classical 
authors. In his first book of [1], he described Shkodra as 
a city in ‘Madeconia’ and mentioned that in antiquity, 
the Macedonians conquered the East, as far as India. 
Thus, Albanians sometimes confuse Alexander the 
Great (Leka i Madh) and Skanderbeg, since the Arabic/ 
Turkish form of Alexander’s name, Iskender, sounds 
the same. Also the allegedly Illyrian twin-horned helmet 
of Skanderbeg feeds this contamination, because it is 
reminiscent of Zu’l Qarnayn in the Koran (18th Sura, 
83-98), who is traditionally interpreted to be Alex- 

Another native Albanian, known internationally 
under his Russian name, is Maksim Grek (Mihal 
Artioti, 1475-1556). The master builder, painter and 
sculptor Andrea Nikolle Aleksi from Durres (Andrija 
Alesija, 1425-1505) worked predominantly in Dal- 
matia. The fresco painter Onuphrios from Elbasan 
(Onufri, 16th cent.), belongs to the Greek renaissance 
and was active in Berat and Kastoria. A good late exam- 
ple of Humanism is the inclusion of the 10 classical 
sibyls with the prophets in the bi-lingual Italian-Alba- 
nian work of Catholic theological literature The Host 
of Prophets. The author Petrus Bogdanus (Pjeter Bog- 
dani, c. 1625-1689) was named archbishop of Skopje 
(Macedonia) in 1677 and died in Pristina (Kosovo). 

B. Effects of Antiquity 

In ethnography, elements of national dress (e.g. the 
‘bell’ dresses of women or men’s ‘fustanella’) and indi- 
vidual themes and motifs of folk poetry have been dis- 
cussed in terms of relics from Classical times. Albanian 
customary law (Kanun) is said to have retained el- 
ements from Indo-European prehistoric times. No con- 
sensus has been reached in all of these cases and any 
evaluation must be made with caution. Classical tradi- 
tion played no serious role in the education system, and 
in the 20 th cent., the interest of Albanians was limited to 
the issue of their ancestry. Within the purview of the 
Catholic Church, Latin was taught in North A. (1859- 
1944), and there are isolated examples of translations 
from Latin, but because of prevailing illiteracy in pre- 
War A. they did not reach a wide public. In the 18 th 
cent., the influence of Greek neo-Aristotelianism rea- 
ched briefly into southern A. Under the leadership of 
Theodoras Kaballiotes, the Academy of Voskopoja 
(Moschopolis), which had been founded in 1744, had 
an exchange with the Mapoutaeios ayoXi] in ’Icoavviva 
(Epirus); in this way Eugenios Bulgares’ ideas came to 

southern A. In scholarly writings of the 17 th and 18 th 
cents., the Croats are described as Illyrians and the 
Albanians as Epirotes or Macedonians. P. Bogdanus 
(1685) described himself as ‘Macedo’ and the Italo- 
Albanian Nicola Chetta (1742-1802) described his 
people as ‘Macedoni’ [7. 24]. The self-designation 
Albanoi > Arber/Arben can hardly have become cus- 
tomary in medieval A. without foreign influence since- 
the change l>r is not otherwise attested in the language 
development. The serious attempt at a scholarly expla- 
nation for the origin of the Albanians started with 
Thunmann [36], who grouped the Albanians with the 
classical Illyrians and the Rumanians (=Walachians) 
with the Thracians. Still the leading opinion today, it 
was, nonetheless, questioned from various sides at the 
start of the 19th cent. Adelung saw in the Albanians 
relics of non-Slavicised Proto-Bulgarians and linked 
them with the Iranian ’AXavot, or Caucasian A. [5. 793]. 
The alternative is therefore immigration versus autoch- 
thonic development, and since Xylander (1835), in the 
field of linguistics, the theory has prevailed of Albanian 
as a continuation of a paleo-Balkan language [15. 199- 
201]. A dead end in terms of the history of ideas which 
had serious consequences was Hahn’s thesis of the 
Pelasgian character of Albanian. He suggested that the 
ancestors of the Albanians settled the Balkan peninsula 
before the Greeks [14. 211-254; 301-309]. This asser- 
tion that the Pelasgians (rtEXanyot) ‘were the first Euro- 
pean bearers of culture’ [14. 245] has fired Albanian 
national consciousness until today, although linguists 
have never seriously pursued Hahn’s theory. He deter- 
mined: ‘Epirotes, Macedonians and Illyrians originate 
from the same tribe. (...) Illyrian = Pelasgian in the broa- 
der sense’ [14. 215]. Hahn equated the Albanian tribal 
name, the Toski with the classical Tusci and deduced: 
‘We consider ourselves justified in taking not only the 
Epirotes but also the Macedonians as Tyrrhenian Pelas- 
gians, and seeing in them the nucleus of a large ethnos 
which was spread over the entire northern extent of the 
peninsula, a nucleus which connects the Tyrrhenian 
Pelasgians in Thrace and in Italy’ [14. 233]. Camarda 
(1864) adopted this theory and spoke of a ‘Thracian- 
Pelasgian or Greek-Latin stem’ (‘ceppo traco-pelasgico, 
o greco-latino’) [8. 5], to which Albanian must be reck- 
oned, in which Albanian was closer to Greek than Lat- 
in. We also find here the untenable theory anonymously 
expounded, in which Albanian is ‘nothing less than a 
rather deformed dialect of basic Greek’ (‘poco meno 
che un dialetto, comunque assai disforme, del linguag- 
gio fondamentale greco’) [8. 7]. This theory - but with 
anti-Greek overtones - took a turn into politics through 
the writings of Pashlco Vasa (1879) and Sami Frasheri 
(1899). For the Albanians, the majority of whom had 
converted to Islam since the 18th cent, the theory of the 
Pelasgian = Indo-European descent was an ideological 
justification for their ambitions first of all for self-ad- 
ministration and eventually for independence from the 
Ottoman Empire. ‘The Pelasgians, who derive from a 
certain Pelasgus IdnsXaayog), were without question 


7 » 


the first, and compared to those who came later, had the 
character of autochthonic people’ [37. 5f.]. P. Vasa ex- 
plained the most important names in the Greek panthe- 
on from Albanian etymology [37. 16-19]. S. Frasheri 
continued such exaggerations and as a practical con- 
clusion derived from this a demand for the cultivation 
of the Albanian language. ‘We are the oldest nation in 
Europe, the most noble and heroic; we speak the oldest 
and best language of the Aryan race’. The Pelasgian 
theory vanished from research after World War II; but 
the Illyrian descent from now on became a vehicle of 
political justification, in that it served to rebuff the ter- 
ritorial claims of its neighbours. In Kosovo particularly, 
one seized on the designation of the Illyrian Dardanians 
and postulated a continuity of settlement since Classical 
times. Following a methodology practised by Hahn and 
Camarda, the name Dardania was etymologically ex- 
plained from the Albanian word dardhe-a (‘pear’). A 
late literary resumption of the Pelasgian theory was 
ventured by the internationally known author Ismail 
Kadare, in which he declared that the Albanian folk 
epic came from pre-Homeric times. With this he went 
against the predominant scholarly view of a recent 
adoption from the Serbo-Bosnian epic-cycle. 

C. Archaeology 

During Turkish rule (until 19 iz), the archaeological 
sites in Albania and Kosovo were not systematically 
investigated, at first. They were only mentioned in trav- 
el reports with Greek and Roman antiquities attracting 
the most interest. There were only occasional excava- 
tions, e.g. 1 899-1900 by P. Traeger in Koman. An early 
expedition report, based on fieldwork is that of C. 
Patsch [z 6], On the Albanian side, archaeology lay in 
the hands of educated laymen and amateurs like Sh. 
Gjefov [23. 61-73]. During occupation in World War I, 
excavations were carried out in the north of the country 
by B. Arpad, C. Praschniker and A. Schober [ 2.8. 6-9, 
17]. After World War I, C. Praschniker and L. Ugolini 
carried out excavations in Apollonia (AjtoXXuma) and 
Butrint (BodSqcjtov). It was not until the founding of 
the Archaeological-Ethnographic Museum in Tirana 
(1948) that archaeology in A. received an institutional 
framework [12. 37]. The museum with the greatest 
number of exhibits is that in Durres. In 1976 the Centre 
for Archaeological Studies was founded as part of the 
Albanian Academy of Sciences. Between 1971-1990, 
the journal Iliria appeared, which published the results 
of academic research on Antiquity, while the journal 
Monumentet) was dedicated to medieval studies and 
the preservation of historical monuments. Excavations 
range from pre- and early history to Classical antiquity 
and the medieval period. 

1. Pre- and early history 2. Illyrians 
3 . Colonial Towns 4. Middle Ages 
5. Kosovo 

1. Pre- and early history 

Research focused on the Kor^a basin (Maliq, Duna- 
vec, Tren) in the south east of the country and on the 
Mat valley in the middle of A. Neolithic, Bronze Age 
pile villages and cave dwellings were discovered and 
burial mounds were excavated. Early Iron Age depic- 
tions of hunting scenes were reported from the site of 
Spileja (Tren) [33. 26-29; 11. 28]. From prehistoric, 
Bronze and Iron Age finds, Albanian archaeology infers 
a continuity of settlement up to modern times. ‘The 
most important conclusion to come from the rich 
Bronze Age finds (...), is that the various levels of culture 
with their content from the early, middle and late 
Bronze Age, confirm an unbroken cultural continuity 
during this period and, with that, an autochthonic de- 
velopment. The broad ethnic community which 
emerged at the end of the 2 nd millennium BC with the 
common economic, cultural, religious and linguistic 
characteristics is described as Ur-Illyrian’ (M. Korkuti 
in: [11. 22]). 

2. Illyrians 

Because there is no written transmission of the Illyr- 
ian culture, archaeology must carry the whole burden 
for the historical line of argument. Scodra (Shkodra), 
Pelion (nf|Xiov in Dassaretien, Selca) [n. 5 6f. J, Aman- 
tia (Plloga), Antigoneia [11. 59-61] and Byllis (BuXXig, 
Hekal near Ballsh) [11. 72-79] are known to have been 
important Illyrian fortified settlements. The city of 
Albanopolis (AXpavojtoXig), mentioned by Ptolemy is 
believed to be Zgerdhesh near Kruja in central A. Koch, 
on the other hand, [21. 136, 151] maintains that Pers- 
qop south of Tirana is Albanopolis and that Zgerdhesh 
is a settlement not known by name from antiquity. 
Aside from Dyrrhachion and Apollonia, the larger Illyr- 
ian towns (either tribal conglomerations or kingdoms) 
minted their own (bronze) coins with Greek inscrip- 
tions. The existence of some Illyrian towns is only sub- 
stantiated by coin finds with corresponding marks. 
Silver and gold coins that have been found in the coun- 
try usually came from Athens, Epirus (Pyrrhos) or 
Macedonia [n. 260-276]. 

3. Colonial Towns 

Durres (Dyrrhachion/Epidamnos), Apollonia and 
Butrint are the most important Greek colonial towns on 
the Albanian coast, which are nowadays the most vis- 
ible with the most accessible ruins. The old town of 
Durres is partly built on the remains of the ancient am- 
phitheatre, meaning that up to now it has only been 
partly excavated. Butrint has an ancient lion gate, a 
theatre, the remains of early Christian sacred buildings 
as well as Venetian fortifications from the Middle Ages. 
The nearby ancient town of Phoinike (Finiq) was the 
main city of the Epirote Chaones. With reference to 
Stephanos of Byzantion, Albanian archaeology as- 
sumes that the Greek colonies were generally founded 




on already existing Illyrian settlements and had a mixed 
population (N. Ceka [11.39!.]). Consequently, the 
town constitution would represent the real Greek factor 
and not the ethnic composition of the population. 
Grave inscriptions right up to Roman times have been 
interpreted to that effect when the proper names con- 
tained Illyrian elements [9]. 

4. Middle Ages 

The Archaeology of medieval sites began with the 
excavation of burial grounds, but is now opening up 
above all the fortified settlements and castles which 
were destroyed during the Turkish conquest and there- 
after abandoned, e.g. Pogradec, Berat, Kanina (near 
Vlora) and Butrint. The process works hand in hand 
with the conservation of monuments, which aims for 
the preservation and reconstruction of medieval and 
modern structures up to urban groupings (e.g. the 
‘museum towns’ of Berat and Gjirokastra). At the en- 
trance to the castle of Kruja, a museum in the shape of a 
medieval castle was set up in 1982 [28. 732 f.; 11. 157] 
according to the design of the architects Pr. Hoxha and 
P. Vaso- one of the most dubious achievements of Alba- 
nian conservation. 

5. Kosovo 

Old Dardania features numerous prehistoric and 
Classical sites, which were systematically opened up 
only after 1954 [24. 267]. The remains of the town 
Ulpiana (OuXmavov, Iustiniana Secunda, Lipljan near 
Gracanica) were partly excavated in 1954-56. Among 
the most important discovery sites is one called ‘The 
Spinning Mill’ (predionica - tjerrtorja ), a prehistoric 
site near Prishtina. In 1971 work started in the prehis- 
toric burial ground of Romaja, northwest of Prishtina. 
Already in antiquity the country must have had several 
ore mines; Novo Brdo was explored in 1955 as a medi- 
eval mining town. In 1975-76, the medieval conditions 
were studied intensively in connection with the work on 
the Historischer Atlas des Mittelalters. 

-> Alexander [4] the Great; -► Epirus; ->■ Pelasgian 

Sources: 1 M. Barletius, De obsidione Scodrensi, 

Venedig 1504, Albanian translation by H. Lacaj, Rre- 
thimi i Shkodres, Tirana 3 i.^ 8 z. 2 Id., Historia de vita et 

gestis Scanderbegi Epirotarum principis, Rom c. 1508, 
Albanian translation by St. I. Prifti: Historia e jetes dhe e 
vepravet te Skenderbeut, Tirana *1967 3 P. Bogdanus, 

Cvnevs prophetarvm de Christo salvatore mvndi, et eius 
evangelica veritate, italice e epirotice contexta, Padua 
1685 (Reprint. 1977) 4 C. H. Th. Reinhold, Noctes 

Pelasgicae vel symbolae ad cognoscendas dialectos Grae- 
ciae Pelasgicae, Athens 1855 

Literature: 5 J. Ch. Adelung, Mithridates oder all- 
gemeine Sprachenkunde mit dem Vater Unser als Sprach- 
probe in beynahe fiinfhundert Sprachen und Mundarten, 
Part 2, Berlin 1809 6 B. Arpad, Regeszeti kutatas Alba- 
niaban, Kolozsvar (Klausenburg) 1918 7 M. Camaj, Der 
Beitrag der Albaner zur europaischen Kultur, in: Balkan- 
Archiv, N.S., 9, 1984, 23-30 8D. Camarda, Saggio di 
grammatologia comparata sulla lingua Albanese, Livorno 
1864 9 N. Ceka, Mbishkrimet byline, in: Iliria 1987/2, 
49-115 10 F. Drini, Bibliographic de l’archeologie et de 
l’histoire ancienne d’Albanie. 1972-1983, Tirana 1985 

11 A. Eggebrecht (ed.), Albanien. Schatze aus dem Land 
der Skipetaren, Exhibition catalogue, 1988 12 Fjalor 

enciklopedik shqiptar, Tirana 1985 13 R. Galovic, Pre- 
dionica, Neolitsko naselje kod Pristine. Pristina 1959 
14 J. G. v. Hahn, Albanesische Studien, Jena 1854 (Re- 
print. Athens 1981) 15 A. Hetzer, Zur Geschichte der 
deutschsprachigen Albanologie, in: Balkan-Archiv. N.S., 
10, 1985, 181-217 16 Id., Gesellschaftliche Modernisie- 
rung und Sprachreform, in: Balkan-Archiv, N.S., 17/18, 
1992/93,255-416 17 Iliri i albanci, Belgrade 1988 18 B. 
Jubani, Bibliographic de l’archeologie et de l’histoire an- 
tique de l’Albanie, 1945-1971, Tirana 1972 19 1. 

Kadare, Autobiographic des Volkes in seinen Versen, 
Tirana 1988 (Albanian original Tirana 1980) 20 Id., 

Dosja H, Tirana 1990 21 G. Koch, Albanien. Kunst und 
Kultur im Lande der Skipetaren, 1989 22 I. Martinia- 
nos, He Moschopolis 1330-1930, Thessalonike 1957 
23 R. Mata, Shtjefen Gje^ovi. Jeta dhe vepra, Tirana 
1982 24 Z. Mirdita, see Arkeologjia, Kosova, in: KSA, 
Enciklopedia e Jugosllavise, Vol. 1, Zagreb 1984 25 Id., 
Studime dardane, Prishtina 1979 26 C. Patsch, Das 

Sandschak Berat in Albanien, 1904 27 C. Praschniker, 
A. Schober, Archaologische Forschungen in Albanien 
und Montenegro, 1919 28 Fr. Prendi, Kerkimet arkeo- 
logjike ne fushen e kultures pre dhe protohistorike ilire ne 
Shqiperi, in: Iliria 1988/1, 5-33 29 M. Prenushi, Kon- 
tribut shqiptar ne Rilindjen evropiane, Tirana 1981 30 E. 
Riza, Qyteti-muze i Gjirokastres, Tirana 1981 31 1. 

Rugova, Vepra e Bogdanit 1675-1685, Cuneus Prophe- 
tarum, Prishtina 1982 32 Sami Bey Frasheri (§emset- 
tin Sami), Was war Albanien, was ist es, was wird es wer- 
den? Gedanken und Betrachtungen iiber die unser gehei- 
ligtes Vaterland A. bedrohenden Gefahren und deren 
Abwendung, 1913 (Albanian original Bucharest 1899, 
Reprint. Prishtina 1978 = Werke, Vepra, Vol. 2) 
33 Shqiperia arkeologjike, Tirana 1971 34 Studime ilire, 
Prishtina, 2 Vols., 1978 35 P. Thomo, Banesa fshatare e 
Shqiperise Veriore, Tirana 1981 36 J. Thunmann, Unter- 
suchungen iiber die Geschichte der ostlichen europaischen 
Volker, Part I, Leipzig 1774 (Part reprint of pages 169- 
366: Uber die Geschichte und Sprache der Albaner und 
Wlachen, 1976) 37 Wassa Effendi (Pashko Vasa), 
Albanien und die Albanesen. Eine historisch-kritische Stu- 
die, Berlin 1879 38 J. v. Xylander, Die Sprache der 

Albanesen oder Schkipetaren, Frankfurt/M. 1835. 


Alchemy see -► Natural sciences 
Alesia see-> Battlefields 

I. History II. History of the Excavations 
and Finds 

I. History 

A. Late Antiquity B. Arab Rule (642-1172) 
C. Up to the Ottoman Conquest D. Modern 

A. Late Antiquity 

In Alexandria (A.), as in other cities of the Roman 
Empire, the transition from the pagan Graeco-Roman 



times to Christian Late Antiquity was accompanied by 
violence. A decisive event was the destruction in AD 
391 of the Serapeum and the library annexed to it. A 
church was built on its ruins and the ‘Great Church’ 
was founded on the site of the Caesareum. Christian A. 
soon acquired significance owing to its leading role in 
the Church and thanks to the catechistic school under 
the leadership of distinguished scholars such as Clem- 
ent and Origen and the Patriarchs Petrus I and Atha- 
nasius. Nevertheless the pagan Hellenistic cultural tra- 
dition continued to exist and could boast of the 
‘Wisdom of Hypatia’ (Synes. epist. 136). Furthermore, 
in the 6th cent AD, after Justinian had ordered the shut- 
ting down of the Academy in 529 AD, the Neo-Platon- 
ist Damascius fled from Athens and may have settled in 

A. (Agathias 2,30). 

Economically, A. remained an important centre for 
trade, with the production of glass, textiles, papyrus, 
and wine, though of poorer quality than before. It also 
served, as before, as a place of transfer for trade be- 
tween the Indian Ocean and the Mediterranean. After 
the Annona from AD 330 on were no longer delivered 
to Rome, but to Constantinople, the sea route from A to 
the Bosporus became the most important trade route. 
As late as the 5 th cent. AD Jerome wrote that Rome was 
enriched by A. and its treasures (epist. 91). 

B. Arab Rule (642-1172) 

In 642 the Arab general ‘Amr b. al-‘As occupied A., 
but only three years later the Byzantines reconquered 
the city, so that ‘Amr had to take it by storm in 645. 
These events resulted in destruction on a large scale. 
The loss of a great part of the Greek Byzantine popula- 
tion and leading citizens and the Arabs’ establishment 
of Fustat as a new capital had a negative effect on the 
further development of A. (John of Nikiou 117,2-3; 
Al-Baladhuri 214; ‘Abd-al-Hakam 72). In spite of this 
A. retained a certain economic significance, since the 
Lighthouse and the harbour installations were in as 
good a condition as ever. As a result A. continued to be 
the most important port in Egypt. Even if trade rela- 
tions with Europe and Constantinople continued only 
to a restricted extent, they were maintained with other 
parts of the Islamic world and with India. Shipbuilding 
and textile production remained concentrated in A., but 
the manufacture of glass and papyrus, owing to the al- 
tered circumstances, gradually decreased. 

Around 800 the rise of Venice as a leading trading 
power in the Mediterranean was a sign of the intensify- 
ing of trade relations with Europe, as Venetian ships 
traded between Italy, Constantinople, Egypt, and Syria. 
As a result of this revival of Mediterranean trade the 
autonomous Sultan Ibn Tulun had the city fortifications 
and the Lighthouse restored in the second half of the 9 th 
cent., after the uppermost storey had collapsed in an 
earlier earthquake in 796. To a large extent these im- 
provements enabled A. to reconfirm its role as a port of 
reshipment for trade between the Indian Ocean and the 
Mediterranean (Al-Mas'udi, al-Tanbih 19). During the 

following two centuries under the Fatimid Dynasty 
(969-1172) A. became not only a base for its strong 
navy, but also a central port for merchant ships sailing 
throughout the Mediterranean to Andalusia, northern 
Africa, Amalfi, Genoa, Venice and Syria. Associations 
of foreigners with their own trade settlements and of- 
fices ( funduqs ) were widespread in A. 

Throughout the period of Arab rule (642-1172) the 
population and culture gradually changed. At first the 
Greek character of A. could be preserved, since the 
Arab garrison kept itself primarily to its own quarter 
and Greek remained, as before, the official language of 
administration of the country for almost a century. Be- 
ing able to speak Greek was still of importance: it has 
been reported from the 8th cent, that an Omajjad prince 
‘commanded a group of philosophers in Egypt to trans- 
late medical books from Greek and Coptic into Arabic’ 
(Ibn al-Nadim 338-339). There is also evidence that in 
the 9th cent. Hunain b. Ishaq, the famous Abbasid 
translator, ‘went to A. to learn Greek’ (Ibn Abi Usaibi'a 

With increasing Arabisation more Arabs settled in 
the city, particularly soldiers and merchants. This also 
had an effect on the topographic face of A., with mos- 
ques and trade settlements (known as caravanserais or 
funduqs) being most significant, but there were also 
luxurious houses and theological schools (Ibn Gubair 
39; Al-Maqqari 3,60-61). It should be emphasised that 
two Sunnite schools experienced their prime in A. under 
the Shi'ite Fatimid dynasty. 

C. Up to the Ottoman Conquest 

After the fall of the Fatimids, Saladin founded in 
Cairo a new Sunnite dynasty, the Ajjubids (1172- 
1250). Because of his personal war experience he decid- 
ed to fortify A. and strengthen the navy. During a visit 
to the city he arranged for the establishment of a new 
school at which secular as well as theological subjects 
were to be taught. The school provided accommoda- 
tion for those students who came from far away, and 
had baths and a hospital (Ibn Gubair 42; Abu Shama, 
Akhbar al-Dawlatain 1,269). Despite constant disputes 
with the Crusaders in Palestine, Saladin maintained the 
same friendly trade relations as his predecessors with 
the Italian city republics and other Europeans, a policy 
which operated for the greater good of A. The Spanish 
traveller Benjamin de Tudela (1166-1173) saw in the 
city associations and representatives from almost every 
European land as well as from Muslim and other east- 
ern peoples as far away as India, and every nation had 
its own funduq (De Herreros, Quatre Voyageurs 29,3; 
Ibn Gubair 39-40). 

At this time, after five years silence, a story of the fate 
of the Library of A. was spreading among Arab authors. 
According to this (as told at the beginning of the 13th 
cent, by Ibn al-Qifti, p. 354) the Arab general ‘Amr b. 
al-‘As destroyed the library, by having the books used 
as fuel for the baths in A. The truth of this story has been 
doubted in modern times since the 17th cent. The cur- 



rently accepted interpretation stems from the assump- 
tion that the story is a izth cent, fabrication to justify 
Sala din’s selling the great Fatimid Library of Cairo and 
that of ‘Amid on the upper Tigris when he urgently 
needed money to finance the furthering of his campaign 
against the Crusaders (Al-Maqrizi, Khitat 2,25 5; Abu 
Shama 1,200). To justify Saladin’s action Ibn al-Qifti, 
one of his most faithful followers, evidently considered 
it appropriate to include in his work the fantastic story 
of ‘Amr’s desecration of the books. Today the prevail- 
ing opinion is that the ancient Royal Library was unin- 
tentionally burnt in Caesar’s Alexandrian War in 48 
BC, whereas the sister library of the Serapeum, men- 
tioned above, was destroyed in 391 AD. Thus the 
library had long ceased to exist when ‘Amr occupied A. 

During the subsequent rule of the Mamelukes 
(1250-1517) A. was able to maintain a relatively high 
standard of living. Economic growth in various parts of 
Europe had led to an increased demand for eastern 
goods. Correspondingly, more capital was also invested 
in international east-west trade, in which Egypt played 
a central role, as a pivot between the Red Sea and the 
Mediterranean. Merchandise flowed in abundance to 
A., and from there to practically every Mediterranean 
port. Recent archaeological finds show that A. was part 
of a broad branching international trade network, 
which stretched over the whole of the Mediterranean 
and reached as far as the Far East, India and China. 

In 1303 an earthquake destroyed the ancient Light- 
house, or what was left of it. Attempts to reconstruct it 
were unsuccessful and so a new Lighthouse was built 
over on the end of Cape Lochia (now Silsila) (Ibn Bat- 
tuta 10). On the old site Sultan Qait Bey had a fort built 
using parts of the old Lighthouse (1480), to defend the 
entrance into the eastern harbour. Only a short time 
later the discovery of the Cape of Good Hope in 1497 
provided sea trade to India with the route round Africa. 
This substitute represented a decisive turning-point in 
the significance of A. as a trade metropolis. Even the 
Ottoman conquest of Egypt in 1 5 1 7 could not offset the 
problems that had arisen or stop the decline of the city. 
Many inhabitants withdrew to Rosetta, particularly 
after the fresh water channel which connected A. with 
the Nile became choked with mud. When the members 
of the French expedition came to the largely deserted 
city in 1798, they estimated the population still to be 
8000, but when they left again the number of inhabit- 
ants had decreased to 7000 (G. Le Pere, Description de 
l’Egypte, 18). 

D. Modern Alexandria 

The departure of the French gave rise to a power 
vacuum, which soon led to dispute between British, 
Ottoman and Mameluke forces. An Egyptian popular 
uprising certainly brought about that the conflict ended 
favouring Mohammad ‘Ali, an officer of Albanian de- 
scent in the Ottoman army. In 1805 the Sultan desig- 
nated him Viceroy of Egypt. In 1807 British troops oc- 
cupied A., but were defeated at Rosetta and forced to 


evacuate A. on 20 September 1807. The following day 
Mohammad ‘Ali entered the city. He set in motion mea- 
sures to restore A. to its old greatness. First he connect- 
ed A. with the rest of Egypt by having a new fresh water 
channel dug (the Mahmudiya Canal), which reaches to 
the western branch of the Nile. Then he repaired the 
western harbour, extended it, and provided it with a 
new lighthouse. Europeans soon settled in large num- 
bers in A.: British, French, Greeks, Italians, Swiss, but 
also Syrians and Egyptians from all parts of the land, as 
well as Jews of various nationalities. The population of 
the city multiplied front 7000 to 60,000 in 1 840, and by 
1874 the number had risen to 270,000. 

After a revolt in 1882 under Ahmed ‘Orabi Pasha, 
violent unrest again broke out after the First World War 
in 1919 against the British Protectorate, this time under 
the leadership of Zaghlul Pasha. In the end, the British 
agreed to full independence in 1922. In 1923 a consti- 
tution for Egypt was concluded, and Sultan Fuad was 
invested with the title of king. At this time A. had the 
status of a second capital, as the Cabinet occasionally 
met there in the summer. Trade also increasingly inten- 
sified in A., and the Stock Exchange acquired an inter- 
national significance. 

During the Second World War A. was one of the 
most important British naval bases and so was the 
target of German air raids. In 1942 a modern university 
was founded in A., considerably stimulating cultural 
life. Shortly after the end of the War in 1952 a military 
coup forced King Faruq to abdicate in A. on 26 July. 
Egypt became a republic with General Nagib as its first 
president, succeeded in 1954 by Gamal ‘Abd al-Nasser. 
It was in A. that Nasser announced the nationalisation 
of the Suez Canal in 19 5 6. The failure of attempts by the 
United Kingdom, France and Israel to regain the Canal 
caused many Europeans in A. and the rest of Egypt to 
leave the country. The widely applied nationalisation 
and requisition measures of 1961/1962 drove a great 
proportion of the Europeans out of A. Because of the 
more strongly centralised administration in Cairo the 
government no longer met in A. in summer. In 1990 the 
population exceeded three million, but A. had lost its 
economic significance, since business activities had in- 
creasingly also concentrated themselves in Cairo and 
several western agencies had transferred from A. to 

-> Alexandria; ->■ Library 

1 M. El-Abbadi, Life and Fate of the Ancient Library of 
Alexandria, “1992 2 A. J. Butler, The Arab Conquest of 
Egypt, 1902 3 C. Decobert, J.-Y. Empereur (eds.), 

Alexandrie Medievale, 1998 4 C. Haas, Alexandria in 

Late Antiquity, 1997 5 W. Heyd, Histoire du Commerce 
du Levant au Moyen Age, 1983 6 A. A. Ramadan, Mod- 
ern Alexandria, in: G. I. Stehen (ed.), Alexandria Site and 
History, 1992, 109-126 7 A. A. Salem, Tarikh al-Iskan- 
dariyah wa-hadaratuha fi al-'asr al-Islami hatta fath al- 
'Uthmani, 1961 (History of Alexandria and its Civiliza- 
tion in Islamic Times) 8 P. J. Vatikiotis, Modern Histo- 
ry of Egypt, 1969 9 L. C. West, Phases of Commercial 
Life in Roman Egypt, in: JRS 7, 1917, 45-58 




Fig. i: Plan of Alexandria showing 
the locations of sites excavated by 
the Centre d'Etudes (zooo) 

Additional Bibliography: A. Hirst, M. Silk (eds.), 
Alexandria, Real and Imagined, 2004; A. Wolff, How 
Many Miles To Babylon? Travels and Adventure to Egypt 
and Beyond. 1300-1649, 2003. MOSTAFA EL-ABBADI 

II. History of the Excavations and Finds 

A. Introduction B. Fate of the Monuments 
up to the Beginning of the 19TH Century 
C. Excavations and Finds D. The Name Alex- 
andria in Modern Times 

A. Introduction 

Despite the great economic and cultural significance 
of the city of A., which was founded by the Macedonian 
King Alexander on the Egyptian Mediterranean coast 
in 3 3 1 BC, the preservation of the ancient remains and 
the state of scholarship are poor. Most of the ancient 
public buildings are still attested to only in literary 
sources (Strab. i7,79iff.). 

B. Fate of the Monuments up to the 
Beginning of the l^th Century 

Until the Arab conquest of Egypt in 640 most of the 
public buildings presumably remained intact. After the 
decision of Caliph Omar to expand the city of Fustat at 
Gizah into a new finance and trade centre, A. quickly 

became depopulated. Sedimentation and natural 
changes in the water level led to the city being gradually 
filled in. There is certain evidence that the lighthouse, 
the ancient landmark of A., fell victim to an earthquake 
in 1303. The ancient buildings subsequently served as a 
quarry [33]. 

C. Excavations and Finds 

In the 17th and r8th cents., European travellers vis- 
ited A. repeatedly, though only sporadically mention- 
ing the ancient relics of the city. The first plan was 
drawn up by the Frenchman Dominique Vivant Denon 
(1747-1825) and his collaborators, who also doc- 
umented the ancient remains of the city. They were 
members of the Commission des Sciences et des Arts of 
General Napoleon Bonaparte’s Eastern Army, founded 
in 1798 [8]. The beginning of the systematic study of A. 
is connected with the name of Mahmud-Bey el-Falaki, 
who began excavations between 1863 and 1865 by 
order of the Egyptian Viceroy Ismail Pasha for the 
Histoire de Jules Cesar of the French Emperor Napo- 
leon III. If the exact extent and appearance of the city is 
unclear even today, el-Falaki’s basic perception that the 
city possessed a system of orthogonally crossing streets 
retains validity [12]. The opportunity to pursue exten- 
sive excavations in A. was lost in the course of the 19th 




Fig. 2: Architectural fragments 
in the Archaeological Museum of 
Alexandria (192.3) 

cent.: as a result of the decision of Mohammed ‘Ali, the 
Ottoman Governor of Egypt (1769-1849), to expand 
A. into a great port, the modern city came to cover the 
ancient settlement area completely, making archeologi- 
cal investigation difficult to this day [14J. It also 
explains why many questions regarding the topography 
of ancient A. still remain unanswered despite numerous 
research activities, particularly during the zoth century. 
This concerns a complete plan of the city [19; 31 ] as 
well as the location and furnishings of many graves 
[34], the waterway network [5], the picture of the royal 
palaces with the tomb of Alexander the Great [4] and 
the nearby world-famous library [zzj. After el-Falaki, 
the Greek physician T.D. Neroutsos contributed great- 
ly to the exploration of the city with his archaeological 
and topographical investigations, esp. from 1874 to 
1 8 8 5 [24] . The endangering of the ancient structures by 
the rapid growth of A. led on 17 October 1892 to the 
foundation of the Archaeological Museum, which is ac- 
tive to this day as a research institute and conserves part 
of the antiquities found in the excavations (Fig. 2: 
architectural fragments in the Archaeological Museum) 
[15]. The first director, Giuseppe Botti (1892-1903), 
principally carried out emergency digs, which had be- 
come necessary owing to the extension of the eastern 
harbour and the demolition of the Arab fortification 
walls. Between 1892 and 1902 he worked in the rich 
necropolis of Kom el-Chougafa alongside renowned 
German archaeologists, whose work was financed by 
the Stuttgart industrialist Ernst von Sieglin [9]. Botti 
also established the first catalogue of the Museum and 
was one of the driving forces in the founding of the 
Society Archeologique Royale d’Alexandrie, publisher 
since 1898 of the Bulletin d’Archeologie d’Alexandrie 
[7]. Botti’s successor, Evaristo Breccia (1904-1932), 
continued the work of his predecessor, primarily pre- 
senting evidence that he had found in his excavations in 
the necropoleis of the ancient city. The third director of 

the Museum, Achille Adriani (1932-1939 and 1947- 
1953), is a man of outstanding merit not only for con- 
ducting numerous excavations, but also for initiating a 
still unfinished compendium Repertorio d’Arte 
dell’Egitto Greco-Romano of the sculptures [2], paint- 
ings, architecture [3] and artefacts of Greek and Roman 
Egypt, with special emphasis on those found in A. Alan 
Rowe, who administered the Museum between 1941 
and 1947, uncovered the foundations of the Serapeum, 
one of the few monuments in the interior of the city of 
whose history and reconstruction an approximate idea 
is possible [28]. Since 1954 the Museum has been head- 
ed by Egyptian archaeologists. Substantial insights into 
the city in Late Antiquity have resulted from the activ- 
ities of the Mission Archeologique Polonaise (since 
i960), which has been active in the region of Kom el- 
Dikka. The Polish team were the first to document an 
insula in the centre of the ancient city, and they were 
able to reconstruct the development of the area from the 
second century AD into the early modern period [20; 
27]. Work on a smaller scale was carried out by the 
Cairo Section of the Deutsches Archaologisches Institut 
from 1975 to 1977 (Gabbari necropolis) [29]. New 
impulses for archaeological field work in the city have 
come from the Centre d’Etudes Alexandrines and its 
director Jean- Yves Empereur (Fig. 1: Plan of Alex- 
andria showing the locations of sites excavated by the 
Centre d’Etudes (2000). [This plan may need to go to 
GeoMiiller - to give it the Pauly look, and I think for 
legal reasons as well.]) [n]. The Centre has committed 
itself to intensifying its excavation work to support con- 
clusions about the appearance of the ancient metropo- 
lis. Their investigations are now spread across the entire 
city [10J. Underwater excavations east of the 
Mameluke fort at Quaitby (at the eastern end of the 
lighthouse island) led to the discovery of colossal archi- 
tectural and statue fragments, which can be attributed 
to the pharaonic and Ptolemaic eras. Their exact origin 
and significance however are still not entirely explained 
[16]. It remains unclear, for example, whether a colos- 
sal torso from the excavations (Fig. 3: Torso of a Pto- 
lemaic pharao) in fact can be identified as portraying 
Ptolemy II (283-246 BC). The patchy knowledge of A. 
arises not only from the many inadequately document- 
ed or published excavations, but also from the impos- 
sibility of reconstructing the exact location of objects 
from many rapidly executed emergency digs. Most of 
the finds are now in museums in Europe and overseas. It 
has been possible to achieve an approximately satisfac- 
tory state of research only in some areas (e.g. Ptolemaic 
architectural fragments) [25]. Many questions about 
chronology and production of sculpture [31], ceramics 
[23], terracotta, toreutics, glyptics, and glass are still 
open [1; 30]. 

Because of its rich literary and epigraphical tradition 
A. has been a particularly interesting subject for ancient 
historical research [6]; two areas of special study are 
emerging: A. under the Ptolemies [13] and A. in Late 
Antiquity, a period during which the city’s population 

8 9 



was made up not only of pagans, but also comprised a 
significant Jewish community and a growing number of 
Christians [17]. Detailed attention has been paid to the 
life and art [35] as well as the elaborately adorned pro- 
cessions and festivals at the court of the Ptolemies [18; 
26]; since the early 1970s many archaeological studies 
and those focussing on the history of religion have 
examined the Greek and Greco-Egyptian cults of A., 
esp. the Serapis cult and the iconography of its images 

D. The Name Alexandria in Modern Times 
The name Alexandria plays no great role in modern 
times. Only in connexion with the last Ptolemaic Queen 
Cleopatra, after Jacques Amyot’s 1559 translation into 
French of Plutarch’s Lives, did it become, since the 17th 
cent., a favourite topic of European literature, fine arts 
and - in the 20th cent. - the film industry. The name 
Alexandria stands for proverbial ostentation and riches 
at the court of the Ptolemaic queen [3 6] 

-*■ Alexandria; -► Plutarch 

Sources: 1 G. Grimm, Alexandria. Die erste Konigs- 

stadt der hellenistischen Welt. Sonderheft Antike Welt, 

Literature: 2 A. Adriani, Repertorio d’arte 

dell’Egitto greco-romano. Serie A: Scultura I— II, 1963 
3 Id., Repertorio d’arte dell’Egitto greco-romano. Serie C: 
Architettura e topografia I— II, 1963 4 Id., La tomba di 
Alessandro. Realta, ipotesi e fantasie, 2000 5 G. 

Brands, Die Wasserversorgung Alexandras und der 
Kanal von Kanopos, in: W. Hoepfner, E.-L. Schwandner, 
Haus und Stadt im klassischen Griechenland, 21994, z 47 - 
25 6 6 M. Clauss, Aexandria. Schicksale einer antiken 
Weltstadt, 22003 7 E. Combe, Le Cinquentenaire de la 

Societe Royale d’Archeologie 1893-1943, in: Bulletin de 
la societe archeologique d’Alexandrie 36, 1943-1944, 
104-113 8 D. V. Denon, Voyage dans la Basse et la 

Haute Egypte pendant les Campagnes du General Bona- 
parte en 1798 et 1799, Paris 1802 9 Expedition Ernst 

von Sieglin: Ausgrabungen in Alexandria, vols. 1-3, 
1908-1927 10 J.-Y. Empereur, Alexandrie 2000, in: 

BCH 125, 2001, 679-700 11 Id., Alexandria rediscov- 
ered, 1998 12 M. B. el-Falaki, Memoire sur l’antique 

Alexandrie, ses faubourgs et environs decouvertes par les 
fouilles, sondages, nivellements et autres recherches, faits 
d’apres les ordres de son Altesse, Ismail Pacha, Vice Roi 
d’Egypte, Copenhagen 1872 13 P.M. Fraser, Ptole- 
maic Alexandria, vols. 1-3, 1972 14 Id., Alexandria 

from Mohamed Ali to Gamal Abdal Nasser, in: N. Hinske 
(ed.), Alexandrien. Kulturbegegnungen dreier Jartau- 
sende im Schmelztiegel einer mediterranen GrolSstadt, 
1981, 63-74 15 Y. el-Gheriani, The Graeco-Roman 

Museum. Foundation, Addition and Renovation from 
1892 to 1992, in: Alessandria e il mondo ellenistico- 
romano. Atti del II congresso internazionale italo-egi- 
ziano (1992), 1995, 49-53 16 F. Goddio et al., Alex- 
andrie. Les quartiers royaux submerges, 1998 17 C. 

Haas, Alexandria in Late Antiquity. Topography and 
Social Conflict, 1997 18 H. von Hesberg, Temporare 

Bilder oder die Grenzen der Kunst. Zur Legitimation friih- 
hellenistischer Konigsherrschaft im Fest, in: JDAI 104, 
1989, 62-66, 76, 78-79 19 W. Hoepfner, Geschichte 

des Wohnens, vol 1: 5000 v. Chr.- 500 n. Chr. Vorge- 

schichte - Friihgeschichte - Antike, 1 999, 455-471 
20 Z. Kiss, G. Majcherek, H. Meyza, H. Rysiewski, B. 
Tkaczow, Alexandrie VII. Fouilles polonaises a Kom-el- 
Dikka (1986-1987), Warsaw 2000, 131-143 21 LA, 

s.v. Serapis, vol. V, 1984, 870-874 22 R. MacLeod, 

The Library of Alexandria. Centre of Learning in the An- 
cient World, 2002 23 M.-D. Nenna, M. Seif el-Din, La 

vaisselle en faience d’epoque greco-romaine. Catalogue 
du Musee greco-romain d’Alexandrie, Cairo 2000 
24 T. D. Neroutsos, L’ancienne Alexandrie. Etude 
archeologique et topographique, Paris 1888 25 P. Pens- 

abene, Repertorio d’arte dell’egitto greco-romano. Serie 
C III: Elementi architettonici di Alessandria e di altri siti 
egiziani, 1993 26 E. E. Rice, The Grand Procession of 

Ptolemy Philadelphus, 1983 27 M. Rodziewicz, 

Record of the Excavations at Kom-El-Dokka in Alex- 
andria from i960 to 1980, in: Bulletin de la societe 
archeologique d’Alexandrie 44, 1991, 1-118 28 A. 

Rowe, Discovery of the Famous Temple and Enclosure of 
Serapis at Alexandria, in: Annales du service des antiqui- 
tes de l’Egypte, suppl. 2, 1946 29 M. Sobottka, Aus- 

grabungen in der West-Nekropole Alexandria (Gabbari), 
in: Das romisch-byzantinische Agypten, Symposium Trier 
1978, 1983, 195-203 30 St. Schmidt, Katalog der pto- 

lemaischen und kaiserzeitlichen Objekte aus Agypten im 
akademischen Kunstmuseum Bonn, 1997 31 Id., Grab- 

reliefs im griechisch-romischen Museum von Alexandria 
(= ADAIK 17), 2003 32 B. Tkaczow, Topography of 

Ancient Alexandria. An Archaeological Map, Warsaw 
1993 33 A. L. Udovitch, Medieval Alexandria. Some 

Evidence from the Cairo Gizeh Documents, in: Alex- 
andria and Alexandrinism, Symposium Malibu 1993, 
1996, 273-284 34 M. S. Venit, Monumental Tombs of 

Ancient Alexandria, 2002 35 G. Weber, Dichtung und 

hofische Gesellschaft. Die Rezeption der Zeitgschichte am 
Hof der ersten drei Ptolemaer, 1993 36 C. Ziegler, 

L’Echo de Cleopatre, in: La gloire d’Alexandrie. Exhibi- 
tion catalogue Paris 1998, 295-303. ortwin dally 


A. Philosophy B. Theory of Art and Cul- 
ture C. Alexandrinisme as a Literary Mark 
of Style 

A. Philosophy 

1. Ancient Basis of the Term 2. Reception in 
the Middle Ages 3 . Alexandrinism in the Re- 

1. Ancient Basis of the Term 
As a term in the history of philosophy Alexandri- 
nism describes a direction of -► Aristotelianism in- 
formed by the writings of the most significant ancient 
Aristotelian commentator, Alexander of Aphrodisias. 
By removing inconsistencies in the works of Aristotle, 
Alexander endeavoured (around AD 200) to present a 
naturalistic base position. His doctrine of the threefold 
nous had particularly far-reaching influence: he distin- 
guishes 1. the physikos nous , which primarily describes 
the noesis in its potentiality, 2. the epi'ktetos nous , 
which contains the capacity of the noem for applica- 
tion, and 3. the nous poietikos , which effects the devel- 



opment from 1 to 2, invades humans from outside and 
is identified with the divine. The human soul dies with 
the body; no divine providence exists as far as the par- 
ticular individual is concerned [13; 18. 564L; 21]. 

2. Reception in the Middle Ages 

Alexander of Aphrodisias’s works were known to 

the Scholastic philosophers mainly through the Latin 
translations of Wilhelm vonMoerbeke (c. 1215-1286), 
but also through Latin versions of Arabic translations 
[19. 348L, 368]. It was Alexander’s theses and particu- 
larly his teaching on the threefold nous that occupied 
Thomas Aquinas, Albertus Magnus, Dietrich von Frei- 
berg, and others [19. 410, 434, 558]. 

Alexander’s writings were known in the East no later 
thanaboutAD 850-900 [19. 30i],andAverroes(=Ibn 
Rushd, 1126-1198) in his comprehensive commentary 
on Aristotle’s writings also expounded on the works of 
Alexander. Like Alexander so also Averroes rejected 
the idea of an individual immortal soul. He was, how- 
ever, of the opinion- in the sense of monopsychism-that 
there was a continuation of the soul as a part of a 
common intellect (i.e., the ‘divine soul’) for the whole of 
humanity [19. 313-322]. 

Whereas the Jewish philosopher Moses Maimonides 
(113 5-1204) apportioned great significance to the 
Commentaries of Alexander and Averroes for the 
understanding of the writings of Aristotle [19. 340], the 
Catholic Church repeatedly pronounced prohibitions 
against the ‘false doctrines’ of Alexandrianism and 
Averroism, as they denied both the immortality of in- 
dividual souls and divine providence in regard to indi- 
vidual humans [7. 452]. 

3. Alexandrinism in the Renaissance 

Renaissance Aristotelianism was also accompanied 

by an intensive occupation with the Aristotelian com- 
mentators of Antiquity and the Middle Ages and it led 
to a clear polarisation between champions of Alex- 
andrinism and of Averroism. In the Introduction to his 
translation of Plotinus, the Platonist Marsilio Ficino 
(1433-1499) characterised contemporary Aristotelia- 
nism in these terms: Totus fere terrarum or bis a Peri- 
pateticis occupatus in duas plurimum sectas divisus est, 
Alexandrinam et Averroicam (‘Almost the whole world 
is occupied by Peripatetics and divided for the most part 
into two schools, the Alexandrian and the Averroic’). 

Pietro Pomponazzi (1462-1524) is considered the 
chief advocate of Alexandrinism in the Renaissance pe- 
riod. He taught in Bologna, Ferrara, and Padua and 
caused deep controversy, especially through his De 
immortalitate animae (1516) [10. 63-78; 20. 22L, 26- 
30], with the defenders of Averroism, but particularly 
also with the Catholic Church. In it Pomponazzi stated 
that the doctrine of the absolute immortality of the soul 
was indeed true on account of its firm basis in Holy 
Scripture, but at the same time called into doubt wheth- 
er it could be proved rationally, and independently of 
the convictions of faith (P. Pomponazzi, De immorta- 
litate animae, ch. 8). Already by 1512 a prohibition 
front the Church against Alexandrinism and Averroism 


had occurred, and Pope Leo X commissioned the Aris- 
totelean commentator Augustinus Niphus (1473-1546) 
to write a refutation of De immortalitate animae. Other 
advocates of Alexandrinism in the Renaissance include 
the Neapolitan philosopher Simon Porta (d.1555) and 
the Spaniard Sepulveda (d. 1572), a pupil of Pietro 
Pomponazzi [20. 3 of.]. 

B. Theory of Art and Culture 
1. Ancient Basis of the Term 2. Use of the 
Adjective ‘Alexandrian’ in the Works of 
Friedrich Nietzsche 2.1 Theory of Art and 
Criticism of Culture 2.2 Theory of 
Education 3. 20TH Cent. Discussion of 

1. Ancient Basis of the Term 

The use of the adjective ‘Alexandrian’ in the sense of 
‘cultured’, ‘educated’ can be traced back to ancient 
Alexandria, which had been a significant cultural centre 
in the Mediterranean since about 300 BC and distin- 
guished itself by the flourishing of literary, natural and 
spiritual learning, the rise of new branches of knowl- 
edge such as philology in particular and also by the 
institution of the Museum with its comprehensive Li- 
brary. The literati of Alexandria were often scholars 
and poets in one person and concentrated on their activ- 
ities as philologists. In their own poetry they mostly 
preferred small literary forms, strove for particularly 
painstaking elaborations of the texts, frequently chose 
unusual themes, in accordance with the ideal of the 
Poeta Doctus, and included learned allusions and 
excursuses [8. 88-99, 193-194; 16]. 

2. Use of the Adjective ‘Alexandrian’ in 

the Works of Friedrich Nietzsche 

2.1 Theory of Art and Criticism of Cul- 

In his Die Geburt der Tragodie aus dem Geist der 
Musik (‘The Birth of Tragedy out of the Spirit of Music’) 
Friedrich Nietzsche traces the decline of ancient tragedy 
both to an increasing dominance in rational thought 
and theoretical contemplation of the world and to opti- 
mism about knowledge, citing Socrates as its creator. 
The rebirth of tragedy and, with it, of Hellenism can 
only result by establishing the limits of knowledge. He 
uses the adjective ‘Alexandrian’ as a synonym for ‘theo- 
retical’, ‘Socratic’, and ‘learned’ I4. 610] in the sense of 
a quixotic accumulation of knowledge and an exagger- 
ated confidence in the possibilities of human cognition. 
Alexandrian humans, ‘who are basically librarians and 
proofreaders sacrificing their sight to book dust and 
printing errors’ (Geburt der Trag. ch. 18, Werke III. 1, 
116), oppose art, myth and everything Dionysian; they 
are at best epigones, but are never themselves produc- 
tive. Nietzsche therefore singles out the educational 
aspect of ancient Alexandrian culture and uses ‘Alex- 
andrian’ in a purely pejorative way to characterise 
Roman Antiquity, the Renaissance and particularly his 
own time, which is wholly ‘caught in the net of Alex- 




andrian culture’ and the highest ideal it knows is ‘the 
theoretical man, equipped with the highest powers of 
understanding and working in the service of science’ 
(Geburt derTrag.,ch. 18, Werke III.i, 112). Nietzsche’s 
interpretation of art is dealt with in detail in [12]. 

2.2 Theory of Education 

Friedrich Nietzsche accuses the philologists of his 
time of unproductive erudition (Fragment 5,47, Werke 
IV. 1, 129) and criticises: Aufklarung und alexandrini- 
sche Bildung ist es - besten Falls!-, was Pbilologen wol- 
len. Nicht Hellenenthum (‘Elucidation and Alex- 
andrian education are - at best! - what philologists 
want. Not Hellenism.’ Fragment 5,136, Werke IV. 1, 
151). An adequate understanding of Antiquity can not 
be arrived at in this manner. Nietzsche repeated his re- 
bukes in David Strait/?, characterising the eponymous 
hero as a ‘cultural Philistine’ (David StrauE, ch. 2, 
Werke III.i, 161) and remarking: Vieles Wissen und 
Gelernthaben ist ... weder ein nothwendiges Mittel der 
Kultur, nocb ein Zeichen derselben und vertragt sich 
nothigenfalls aufdas beste mit dem Gegensatze der Kul- 
tur, der Barbarei (‘Much of what is known and learnt is 
... neither a necessary instrument of culture nor a sign of 
the same, and of necessity it at best complies with the 
antithesis of culture, barbarity’. David Straufi, ch. 1, 
Werke III.i, 159). 

3. 20TH Cent. Discussion of Education 

The central points of the criticism of scholarship and 
education expressed by Nietzsche were often taken up 
and discussed with great controversy at the end of the 
19th cent, and the beginning of the 20th [15. 8off.]. By 
the end of the 20th cent., the question of the demarca- 
tion of true education from pure accumulation of fac- 
tual details had gained in topicality in the face of an 
abundance of new interpretive possibilities. In 1998 
Wolfgang Friihwald titled his article on education in the 
information age ‘Athen aus Alexandrien zuriicker- 
obern’ (‘Reconquering Athens from Alexandria’). He 
was referring to a quotation front E.R. Curtius, which 
probably originated in a remark by the historian of art 
and culture Aby Warburg [2. 230; 9. 5], and asserted: In 
der technizistischen Debatte um die Effizienz der Hoch- 
schulen geht oft der Blick dafiir verloren, da/? blo/?e 
»Belebrtbeit« nicht das Ziel der Bildung sein kann (‘In 
the technicist debate on the efficiency of the universities 
one often loses sight of the fact that simple learnedness 
cannot be the goal of education’) [2. 228]. 

C. Alexandrinisme as a Eiterary Mark of 


Proceeding from the characteristics of ancient Alex- 
andrian literature presented in B.i, French employs the 
noun alexandrinisme as a description of a subtle, some- 
what dark style with a predilection for strong embel- 
lishments, allegories, and learned allusions. In contrast 
to Nietzsche’s usage, there is no exclusively pejorative 
connotation [17. 49 if.], although this is contained in 
the English term Alexandrianism or Alexandrinism. 

-> Aristotelianism; -+ Education/Culture; -> Philo- 

sophy; -*■ Renaissance 

-* Alexander [26] of Aphrodisias; -*■ Alexandria; 

> Aristotle, commentators on; -> Aristotelianism; 

-* Hellenism; — ► Museum; -> Peripatos 

Sources: 1 M. Ficino, Opera omnia, Basel 1561, (repr. 
4 vols, 1959-1961) 2 W. Fruhwald, Athen aus Alex- 

andrien zuriickerobern. Bildung im Informationszeitalter, 
in: Forschung & Lehre 5, 1998, 228-232 3 F. Nietz- 

sche, Werke. Kritische Gesamtausgabe, (eds.) G. Colli, 
M. Montinari, i967ff. 4 Id., Die Geburt der Tragodie. 
Schriften zu Literatur. und Philosophie. der Griechen, (ed. 
and comm.) M. Landfester, 1994 5 Petrus Pompona- 
tius, Tractatus de immortalitate animae. Testo e Tradu- 
zione a cura di G. Morra, 1954 6 Pietro Pomponazzi, 
Abhandlung iiber die Unsterblichkeit der Seele. Latin- 
German ed. B. Mojsisch, 1990 

Literature: 7 H. Flashar, Aristoteles, in: id. (ed.),Die 
Philosophie der Antike 3: Altere Akademie. Aristoteles- 
Peripatos, 1983, 175-458 8 H.-J. Gehrke, Geschichte 

des Hellenismus., *1995 9 P. Godman, T.S. Eliot und 

E.R. Curtius. Eine europaische Freundschaft, in: Liber. 
Europ. Kultur-Zschr. 1,1989 10 P. O. Kristeller, Acht 
Philosophen der italienischen Renaissance, 1986 (= Eight 
Philosophers of the Italian Renaissance, 1964) 11 Id., 

Aristotelismo e sincretismo nel pensiero di Pietro Pom- 
ponazzi, 1983 12 T. Meyer, Nietzsche und die Kunst, 

1993 13 P. Moraux, Der Aristotelismus bei den Grie- 

chen von Andronikos bis Alexander von Aphrodisias, 3 
vols, I973ff. 14 B. Nardi, Studi su Pietro Pomponazzi, 

1965 15 U. Preusse, Humanismus und Geschichte: zur 

Geschichte des altsprachlichen Unterrichts in Deutsch- 
land von 1890 bis 1933, 1988 16 E. R. Schwinge, Kiinst- 
lichkeit von Kunst. Zur Geschichtlichkeit der alexandri- 
nischen Poesie (= Zetemata 84), 1986 17 Tresor de la 
langue franyiise. Dictionnaire de la langue du XIX' et du 
XX' siecle (1789-1960), publie sous la direction de P. 
Imbs, vol. 2, 1973 18 F. Ueberweg, Grundrifi der 

Geschichte der Philosophie 1: Die Philosophie des Alter- 
tums, (ed.) K. Praechter, “1926 (repr. 1961) 19 Id., 

Grundrifi der Geschichte der Philosophie 2: Die patristi- 
sche und scholastische Philosophie, (ed.) B. Geyer, 
‘‘1927 (repr. 1961) 20 Id., Grundrifi der Geschichte der 
Philosophie 3: Die Philosophie der Neuzeit bis zum Ende 
des XVIII. Jahrhundert, completely revised by M. Frisch- 
eisen-Kohler, W. Moog, i3 i953 21 J. Wonde, Subjekt 
und Unsterblichkeit bei Pietro Pomponazzi (= Beitr. zur 
Altertumskunde 48), 1994. JANAHARTMANN 


I. Linguistics and Literary Studies II. Histo- 
ry of Religions and Mythology 

I. Linguistics and Literary Studies 
A. Introduction: The Concept B. Homeric 
Allegorism C. Biblical Allegorism 
D. Virgilian Allegorism E. Ovidian 
Allegorism and Allegorical-Integumental 
Mixed Forms 

A. Introduction: The Concept 
In recent linguistic and literary-historical studies, as 
in theology, allegorism designates the methodically re- 




flective development of a multiple meaning that goes 
beyond the literal meaning of religious, poetical, and 
other normative texts. As a hermeneutic-interpretative 
procedure, allegorism is to be distinguished from the 
grammatical, rhetorical, and productive-poetic forms 
(cf. below, ad finem) of -> allegory. Like the latter, it 
proceeds according to the fundamental law of transfer- 
ence. Allegorism begins with a situation of creative 
reception in which a canonical text needs to be ex- 
plained under altered cultural circumstances that lead 
to the assumption that its wording no longer constitutes 
its unique or proper meaning, but rather that the genu- 
ine (theological, philosophical or ethical) spiritual 
meaning (nous), or that which is ‘concealed beneath 
(hypo) the literal meaning’, still remains to be discov- 
ered. In the oldest texts, as in the Homeric allegorism of 
Theagenes of Rhegium and the end of the 6th cent. BC, 
allegorism is therefore designated as hyponoia. This 
concept is gradually replaced, near the dawn of our era 
at the latest, by allegoria, a word found in works of 
literary hermeneutics since the 1st cent. AD(Ps.-Hera- 
clitus, Sextus Empiricus, Philo of Alexandria) and is 
current in patristic literature since Origen. 

B. Homeric Allegorism 

The beginnings of Western textual allegory are 
found in the criticism of Homeric poetry and myth by 
the grammarian Theagenes of Rhegium of the 6th cent. 
BC, who interpreted Homeric texts in the direction of 
cosmogony or philosophy of nature. It was practiced 
systematically in the jth/qth cent, by Ionic natural phi- 
losophers from among the Pre-Socratics. The first ‘ethi- 
cal’ allegorism was that of Anaxagoras of Clazomenae 
and his student Metrodorus of Lampsacus. Homeric 
allegorism was handed down in scholia from the 2nd 
cent. BC on down into the Byzantine period. Homeric 
allegorism found wide acceptance in the 1st cent. AD in 
the school of Pergamum (L. Annaeus Cornutus, Theo- 
logiae Graecae Compendium-, Ps. -Heraclitus, Allego- 
riae Homericae), which was much influenced by Stoi- 
cism. Choeroboscus (6th or 7th cent.), with his allego- 
rism of Homer to explain nature, is characteristic of the 
further development of the theory of allegorism in the 
Greek world. Homeric allegorism was still known in 
the 1 2th cent, to the Byzantine scholar Eustathius (arch- 
bishop of Thessalonica), who continued it in his own 
commentary on the Iliad. 

C. Biblical Allegorism 

Allegorical exegesis of the Bible, whose pre-Chris- 
tian roots lie in Hellenistic Judaism, constitutes the core 
of allegorism. Philo of Alexandria furnished large parts 
of the Mosaic books with an ethical-moral allegorism. 
This had an important influence on Clement of Alex- 
andria. The Antiocheans Diodorus of Tarsus and Theo- 
dore of Mopsuestia rejected allegorism. The NT is fa- 
miliar with a rudimentary form of allegorism, and 
developed, especially through Paul and the Letter to the 
Hebrews, the related thought form of -> typology. 

Throughout the Middle Ages allegorism remained the 
authoritative form of reception of the Bible in a wide 
variety of commentaries, particularly on Genesis, the 
Psalms, the Song of Songs and the Apocalypse. In the 
High and Late Middle Ages allegorism was extended to 
the entire Bible. From there, it spread to such neighbor- 
ing fields as sermons, liturgy, visionary literature, the 
interpretation of history and philosophy of nature. 
Common to the various concepts of allegorical inter- 
pretation of scripture evolving over time is the claim 
that it is founded on the facts of sacred history and is 
therefore true. On the other hand, poetic allegorism 
was evaluated as figmentum, mendacium (John of Salis- 
bury, Policraticus 3,6 and 9), or as an ‘enveloping’ 
transformation of reality ( integumentum , involucrum, 
Isidore of Seville, Etymologiae 8,7,10; William of Con- 
ches, Bernardus Silvestris). Origen was decisive for the 
beginnings of Christian allegorism of scripture with his 
model of meaning on three levels, transferred from the 
order of creation to scripture ( Peri archon 4, 2, 4). Fol- 
lowing him, the Middle Ages down to the 13 th cent, 
developed various outlines of systems. Gregory the 
Great conceived of a threefold explication of the Bible 
in the literal, allegorical-typological and tropological- 
moral sense ( Moralia in lob = CCL 143,4). More influ- 
ential was the doctrine, already defended by Cassian 
(Conlationes 14,8,4 = CSEL 13,405) around 420 and 
further propagated in the 12th and 13th cents., of the 
fourfold meaning of scripture: historia/sensus litteralis - 
allegoria including typology, tropologia/sensus moralis 
and anagogia. Essential for the expansion of allegorism 
was the theory of signs originating in Augustine ( De 
doctrina Christiana 2,10,15 = CCL 32,41), which then 
in the 12th and 13th cents, further developed into a 
theory of meaning not only of words, but also of things. 
This, according to Hugh and Richard of St. Victor, en- 
abled one to differentiate spiritual literature from 
worldly literature. The way was thus prepared for an 
all-embracing allegorism of everything found in the Bi- 
ble, in creation and in all utterances of human culture 
and history (cf. PL 175,20-24; PL 177,2056). Substan- 
tial transformations in allegorism were brought about 
by the rise of -> scholasticism and can be identified 
in -> humanism (Trithemius; Erasmus of Rotterdam, 
Enchiridion), in the literature of the Reformation, and 
in Protestant schoolbooks of the early modern period. 

D. Virgilian Allegorism 

The beginnings of the allegorical interpretation of 
the Aeneid lie in the 4th and 5th th eVita of 
Aelius Donatus, in Servius, and especially in Claudius 
Giordanus Fulgentius’ (Expositio Vergilianae continen- 
tiae secundum philosopbos moralis), whose richly 
transmitted work influenced the integumental inter- 
pretation of the Aeneid that was in evidence since the 
12th cent. (Bernardus Silvestris, C ommentum super sex 
libros Eneidos Virgilii). Medieval sermons were also fa- 
miliar with Christian interpretations of Virgil (Alanus 
ab Insulis, Absalon von Springiersbach; see Gottschalk 


9 8 


Hollen [n. 259] for further material on integumental 
Virgil commentaries), and with lives of Virgil. Virgilian 
allegorism was still practiced by Ph. N. Frischlin (P. 
Virgilii Maronis Bucolica & Georgica, paraphrasi 
exposita, 1580; a modification of earlier interpretations 
by J.L. Vives and a plagiarizer). 

E. Ovidian Allegorism and Allegori- 
cal-Integumental Mixed Forms 
Knowledge of Ovid already appears in the early 
Middle Ages. Since its beginnings, in addition to the 
reception of extracts of Ovidian material, motifs and 
formal patterns, ‘the possibility of the allegorical inter- 
pretation of mythology’ constituted a central aspect of 
Ovid reception [4. 252]. Conceptual and actual transi- 
tions to integumentum, that is, to ‘the interpretative 
allegorism of poets and philosophers’ became manifest 
with particular clarity in the forms of medieval Ovid 
allegorism, as did ‘expressive-creative poetic allegory, 
formed with this as its model’ [6. 9]. Authoritative mod- 
els of the latter were given, for instance, by Prudentius, 
Psycbomacbia ; Martianus Capella, De nuptiis Mercurii 
et Philologiae ; Boethius, De consolatione philosopbiae ; 
and Alanus ab Insulis, De planctu naturae and Anti- 
claudianus). Whereas authors like Bernardus Silvestris 
and John of Salisbury sought to separate allegoriaand 
integumentum , this separation was not maintained in 
the systematic commentaries on Ovid that began in the 
1 2th cent. (Arnolphe of Orleans, Allegoriae super 
Ovidii Metamorphosin-, John of Garlandia, Integu- 
menta Ovidii)-, for many other examples of allegorizing 
interpretations of Ovid: [2. 286-288]. The Ovidius 
moralizatus (c. 1340) of Petrus Berchorius (Pierre Ber- 
suire), which stood methodologically close to biblical 
allegorism, may be considered the high point of alle- 
gorism of the Metamorphoses; the Old French Ovide 
moralise arose independently from it ( c . 1350). 

-> Adaptation 
-> Philo of Alexandria 

I W. Freytag, Allegorie, Allegorismus, in: Historisches 

Worterbuch der Rhetorik 1, 1992, 330-392 (with exten- 
sive bibliography) 2 H.-J. Horn, U. Krewitt, Allegoris- 
mus. Auiserchristliche Texte, I. Alte Kirche, II. Mittelalter, 
in: TRE 21978, 276-290 3 J. C. Joosen, J. H. Waszink, 
Allegorismus, in: Reallexikon fur Antike und Christentum 
1, 1950, 283-293 4 H. Kugler, Ovidius Naso, P., in: Die 
deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters: Verfasserlexikon (Sec- 
ond completely revised edition) 7, 1989, cols. 247-273 
(medieval reception) 5 H. Meyer, Schriftsinn, mehrfa- 
cher, in: Historisches Worterbuch der Philosophic 8, 
1992, 1431-1439 6 Ch. Meier, Uberlegungen zum 

gegenwartigen Stand der Allegorie-Forschung, in: Friih- 
mittelalterische Studien 10, 1976, 1-69 7 H. de Lubac, 
Exegese medievale. Les quatre sens de l’ecriture, 1-4, 
1959-1964 8 F. Ohly, Schriften zur mittelalterliche 

Bedeutungsforschung, “1983 9 H. Graf Reventlow, Epo- 
chen der Bibelauslegung, vol. 1, 1990; vol. 2, 1994; vol. 3, 
1997; vol. 4, 2001 10 H.-J. Spitz, Allegoresis/Allegorie/ 
Typologie, in: Fischer Lexikon der Literatur 1, 1996, 1-3 1 

II F. J. Worstbrock, Vergil (P. Vergilius Maro), in: Die 
deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters: Verfasserlexikon (Sec- 

ond completely revised edition) 10, 1999, cols. 247-284 
(medieval reception) 

Additional Bibliography: D. C. Allen, Mysteri- 
ously Meant: The Rediscovery of Pagan Symbolism and 
Allegorical Interpretation in the Renaissance, 1970; C. 
Baswell, Virgil in Medieval England: Figuring the Aeneid 
from the Twelfth Century to Chaucer, 1995; H.-J. Horn, 
Die Allegorese des antiken Mythos in der Literatur, Wis- 
senschaft und Kunst Europas, 1997. Rudolf suntrup 

II. FIistory of Religions and Mythology 
A. Introduction B. Origin C.TheJew- 
ish-Christian Tradition of Antiquity 
D. Middle Ages E. Early Modern Period 

A. Introduction 

Allegorism, from the Greek allegorein, ‘to interpret 
figuratively’, is the understanding of a traditional text 
in a figurative sense; the term was coined in Hellenistic 
discussions and replaced the expression hyponoia, 
‘deeper (literally, lying underneath) meaning’, which 
was generally used in Plato’s time. As a method, it is to 
be distinguished from the historical interpretation of 
myths, or euhemerism, as well as from purely etymo- 
logical interpretation, even though allegorism often 
makes use of them, and also from Christian typology, 
which by means of non-literal interpretation of the Old 
Testament, transforms it into the forerunner and an- 
nouncer of the salvific events described in the New Tes- 
tament. Here, of course, the terminology in Christian 
discussion since Galatians 4,24 is often easy to mis- 
understand (cf. Origen, Peri archon 4,2,6). Allegorism 
as an exegetical method is also to be distinguished from 
-> allegory, which is a literary creation that is, under 
the influence of a poetics that goes back to allegorism, 
deliberately unintelligible on a literal level. Allegory 
was particularly vital in the Middle Ages and beyond 
through the examples of Prudentius, Martianus Capella 
and Boethius. A comprehensive historical presentation 
of allegorism is lacking. Precisely for this reason, the 
best synthesis will be a systematic approach ( [1], cf. also 

[2-; 3; 4])- 

B. Origin 

Allegorism arose in Greek Antiquity as a means of 
interpreting Homer. As a consequence of pre-Socratic 
criticism of mythical tales in Homer, carried out in par- 
ticular by Xenophanes of Colophon and Heraclitus of 
Ephesus, there was an apologetic concern. This was at 
least as important as the claim of Late Archaic exegetes 
of Homer that they were reading the poet in an original 
way [5; 6]. Already in Antiquity, the Homeric interpret- 
ers Theagenes of Rhegium and Stesimbrotus of Thasus 
(FGrH 107), from the end of the 6th cent. BC were 
considered its inventors. Its most important early de- 
fender was thought to be the Anaxagorean Metrodorus 
of Lampsacus (late 5th cent. BC). He was held to have 
interpreted Homer in line with the physical sciences, as 
can be seen in detail in his commentary on a cosmogon- 




ic poem by Orpheus from a grave at Derveni (c. 3 zo BC) 
[7], whereas his teacher Anaxagoras himself was re- 
garded as the founder of the ethical allegorism of 
Homer (Diogenes Laertius z,3,ii). However, ethical 
allegorism of mythic tales must have already arisen in 
the circle of southern Italian Pythagoreans, as Plato sug- 
gests (Gorgias 493 ab). In the following period, physical 
allegorism, taken up and expanded particularly by the 
Stoa, was to dominate [8], The model of theologia tri- 
pertita or ‘threefold speech about the gods’ found in M. 
Terentius Varro probably goes back to the Hellenistic 
Stoa. In addition to the literal sense (theologia poetice), 
it added an underlying physical sense (theologia phy- 
sice) and a text’s application to political life (theologia 
civilis) [9]. Important authors writing in Greek include 
Cornutus and Heraclitus, the latter of whom wrote Ho- 
meric allegorism in the imperial period. Physical alle- 
gorism predominates in both these authors [10]. In his 
De natura deorum, Cicero has the Epicurean Velleius 
and the Sceptic Academic Cotta strongly criticize the 
allegorism of the Stoic Balbus. Nevertheless, it was at 
least handed down as a method for posterity by one of 
the chief Latin authors. Despite the indifference of Plato 
and the hesitant attitude of Plutarch ( Isis et Osiris 374 
E; [11]), allegorism became important for the Neopla- 
tonists (with the exception of Plotinus), as is shown, for 
instance, in Porphyry’s work on the cave of the nymphs 
in Homer, or Julian’s discourse on the Great Mother 
[iz; 13]. Particularly important for posterity was the 
commentary on Cicero’s Somnium Scipionis by Macro- 
bius [14J. 

C. The Jewish-Christian Tradition of An- 

1. Jewish z. Christian 

1. Jewish 

Apologetic allegorism of the Old Testament began in 
Alexandrian Judaism. Fragmentarily preserved are the 
interpretations of the Jewish Peripatetic Aristobulus 
(znd cent. BC) in his Commentary on the Pentateuch 
(Eusebius, Preparatio Evangelica 8,10; iz,iz), and the 
allegorical exegesis of the dietary laws in the Letter of 
Aristeas (143-50); however, the fact that the Song of 
Songs was taken up into the canon also presupposes its 
allegorical interpretation. It was Philo’s allegorism, 
however, that became central, particularly his moral 
allegorizing, although he is also familiar with physical 
allegorism. He sought to grasp the true reality of the 
biblical text, whose literal meaning was merely a shad- 
owy image of the truth. By means of this Platonizing 
construct, he succeeded, despite privileging the allegori- 
cal meaning, in maintaining the literal sense so indis- 
pensable for religious practice (cf. in particular, Philo, 
Legum allegoriae z, 71-73; De Abrahami migratione 
89L; De providentia z,7z; De mutatione nominum 
8-10) [15]. 

z. Christian 

Imperial Christians used allegorism both for the 
rejection of pagan myths and for the interpretation of 
their own scriptural tradition. In this process, Varro’s 
theologia tripertita became one of the foundations of 
allegorism and is referred to both by apologists and 
Church Fathers [16; 17J. 

The consequences of physical allegorism for pagan 
religion are easily seen. It eliminates the reality of the 
gods (Aristides, Apologia 13, 7). At the same time, how- 
ever, it provides myths with an acceptable validity, to 
which apologists and Church Fathers objected. Not 
only allegorism, but also pagan myths as such were to 
be rejected (for a detailed account, see, for instance, 
Athenagoras leg. zz or Arnob. 4,33; 5,3z-4i). This at- 
titude survives in the sermons of Augustine (see the de- 
tailed account in a sermon for the calends [18]). 

In addition, a tradition of allegorizing the Old Tes- 
tament existed since the New Testament times, whereas 
the gospels, as historical truth, were not subject to alle- 
gorism. Paul already read Genesis 16,1-15 (Sara and 
Agar) per allegoriam (Galatians 4,z4), that is, typologi- 
cally. This legitimized allegorism of the Old Testament 
for the whole of Christian exegesis. Following Alex- 
andrian tradition, Origen formulated a system of alle- 
gorism and distinguished between the literal (somatic) 
meaning, accessible to all; the more advanced moral 
(psychic) sense; and the mystical (pneumatic) sense, 
open only to a few (Peri ar chon 4,z,4). He often rejected 
the literal sense, in contrast to his successors; yet 
through his system he influenced the three scriptural 
meanings of later times. In the Latin West, Ambrose in 
particular, following Philo, pursued allegorism, both 
moral and mystical. As with Philo, however (and 
Ambrose’s predecessor Hilary of Poitiers), the literal 
meaning remained indisputably steadfast; moreover, 
the sensus historialis and the sensus mysticus (moral 
allegorism) took their place within the taxonomy. 
Augustine subscribed to this view in a nuanced way, 
insofar as he ascribed greater psychagogical effect to 
allegorical interpretation (Epistolae 55, zi), and corre- 
spondingly used it in his sermons, whereas he preferred 
the historical sense in his Bible commentaries [19]. Both 
interpretative levels consequently coexist. This became 
valid for all those who followed, especially once Gre- 
gory the Great clearly stood up for this twofold path (In 
evangelio Johannis 40,1). From its roots in scriptural 
interpretation, allegorism became clearly discernible in 
Fulgentius’ commentary on Statius’ Thebaid and, thus 
secularized, was transferred to the interpretation of 
pagan literary works as well. Despite the objections of 
the late Augustine (De doctrina Christiana 3 , 8 ,iz), this 
linked the allegorizing literary interpretation of im- 
perial grammar with Christian allegorism. On the other 
hand, a Christian allegorical literature arose from crea- 
tive contact with exegetical procedure. Its most impor- 
tant exponents in the Latin West were Prudentius and 
Boethius [zo; zi]. 




D. Middle Ages 

i. Scriptural Exegesis and Allegorical 
Poetry z. The Allegorism of Ancient Myths 

i. Scriptural Exegesis and Allegorical 


Following the Church Fathers, particularly Augu- 
stine, the Middle Ages continued the allegorical ex- 
egesis of scripture, as well as the secularized exegesis of 
pagan poetry. In the School of Chartres (see below), this 
led to elaborate theoretical schemes, like that of indu- 
mentum, or the literal surface of the ‘textual skin’, 
which was to be penetrated. Under the influence of Pru- 
dentius and Boethius, the Latin Middle Ages provided 
itself in addition with a highly vital allegorical poetry. 
Understanding it, whether in an ethical or edifying 
sense, historically or politically, did not take place via 
the exegetical procedure of allegorism, but was already 
pre-planned within the literal sense. We cannot elabo- 
rate on this here. 

z. The Allegorism of Ancient Myths 

Rhetorical tradition classified the mythical tale 
( fabula ) as fiction (Cicero, De inventione i,zy and Rhe- 
torical ad Herennium i,iz down to Isidore, Etymolo- 
giae 1,44,5). Although they understood this fiction as 
an ‘image of truth’ (Theon, Progymnasmata 3; Aph- 
thonius, Progymnasmata 1; Sopater, Rhetores Graeci 
10, p. 59 Walz), they derived the necessity of allego- 
rism from this fact [zz]. It was ultimately on this foun- 
dation, but above all on Porphyry’s theoretical compre- 
hension in his confrontation with Colotes on the subject 
of Platonic myth (Porphory, Fragment i8z Smith) that 
Macrobius, in his commentary on Cicero’s Somnium 
Scipionis (i,z,7-iz), constructed a complex classifica- 
tion of fictional texts (fabulae). According to it, fiction- 
al texts fall into two categories: the purely entertaining 
(and hence rejected) textual genre of comedy and novel, 
and the useful (animal fables, myths of the gods, philo- 
sophical myths). This classification, absorbed by Isi- 
dore ( Etymologiae 1,40), became fundamental for the 
Western Middle Ages and in the School of Chartres, 
with its concept of the narrative surface ( indumentum , 
integumentum) of fictional texts, particularly influ- 
enced the exegesis of literary fiction in general [Z3]. It 
also became the starting-point for an independent 
philosophical treatment of myth [Z4 J . Above all, how- 
ever, allegorism, both physical and moral, was the 
means that permitted the Middle Ages contact with an- 
cient mythology. In addition to Cicero’s De natura deo- 
rum, the central texts were the Mythologiae of Fulgen- 
tius [Z5], and often Servius’ commentaries on Virgil as 
well. Boccaccio’s De genealogiis deontm still embraced 
these basic approaches in the form of a genuine encyclo- 
pedic compendium. The Middle Ages sought the same 
approach to pagan authors, above all to Virgil and 
Ovid. Virgil had already been the subject of allegorical 
interpretation by Macrobius, and in Carolingian times 
Theodolphus of Orleans had formulated the general 
opinion that in the works of both poets ‘there lies 

hidden a great deal of truth under a false surface’ (plu- 
rima sub falso tegmine vera latent [z6]). This was the 
origin of, among other things, the moralistic allegorism 
of the Ovidian Metamorphoses, with its high point in 
the Integumenta Ovidii of John of Garland and the 
Ovid moralise of the 13th cent. [Z7; z8]. 

E. Early Modern Period 
On one level, the Renaissance and Baroque periods 
continued this tradition uninterruptedly [Z9]. Needless 
to say, new access to Greek texts as well opened up a 
broad spectrum of interpretative possibilities. In addi- 
tion to physical and moral allegorism, political allego- 
rism appeared in an ever-increasing degree. Following 
the lead of Augustus’ utilization of the myth of Aeneas, 
this allegorism used ancient myths for the legitimation 
of political rule. Florentine -> Neo-Platonism in par- 
ticular employed theological-philosophical allegorism. 
Its role for understanding iconography has still not been 
given adequate treatment [30; 31]. 

Allegorism underwent a fundamental transforma- 
tion beginning in the late 16th cent, through the gradual 
appearance of a scientific mythology in connection with 
the discoveries and elaboration of ethnography [3Z; 
33]. Knowledge of non-European myths, with their 
often striking resemblances to ancient mythology, led 
to a historicization of the -> myth phenomenon, and a 
conceptual disengagement from other fictional genres, 
particularly animal fables (La Fontaine). Myth was 
understood for the first time, but with lasting conse- 
quences, by Bernard de Fontenelle [34] as a story that 
belongs to the dawn of humanity, and whose narrative 
peculiarities are not deliberate surfaces placed over a 
deeper truth, but involuntary distortions of physical 
and historical facts. From an exegetical procedure that 
sought the narrator’s actual intentions, allegorism was 
thus transformed into the decoding of early human psy- 
chic reactions and excluded all moralistic exegesis. Cen- 
tral in this process was the systematization by Christian 
Gottlob Heyne. Instead of the current technical term 
fabula, he coined the term mythus, whereby he declared 
the independence of myth from literary genres and codi- 
fied the division of myth into a genus physicum and a 
genus historicum. Although these contents relied com- 
pletely on the categories of traditional allegorism, he 
turned expressly against the understanding of myth as 
allegory, designating it as a symbol [35]. He thereby 
laid the foundations for the Romantic interpretation of 
myth and the consequent debate on the differentiation 
between allegory and symbol. 

->■ Allegoresis, -> allegory. 

1 A. Fletcher, Allegory. The Theory of a Symbolic 
Mode, *1970 2 W. Haug (ed.), Formen und Funktionen 
der Allegorie, 1979 3 J. C. Joosen, J. H. Waszink, Alle- 
gorism, in: Reallexikon fur Antike und Christentum 1, 
1950, Z83-Z93 4 J. Gruber et al., Allegorie, Allego- 

rism, in: Lexikon des Mittelalters 1, 4Z0-4Z7 5 J. Tate, 
The Beginnings of Greek Allegory, in: CR 41, 19Z7, Z14- 
Z15 6 Id., On the History of Allegorism, in: CQ z8, 1934, 
105-114 7 A. Laks, G. W. Most (eds.), Studies on the 


io 3 


Derveni Papyrus, 1996 8 P. Steinmetz, Allegorische 

Deutung und allegorische Dichtung in der alten Stoa, in: 
Rheinisches Museum fur Philologie 129, 1986, 18-30 
9 G. Lieberg, Die theologia tripertita in Forschung und 
Bezeugung, ANRW I 4, 63-115 10 G. W. Most, Cor- 

nutus and Stoic Allegoresis. A Preliminary Report, 
ANRW II 36.3, 2014-2065 11 P. Hardie, Plutarch and 
the Interpretation of Myth, in: ANRW II 33.6,4743-4787 
12 R. Lamberton, Homer the Theologian, 1986 13 Y. 

Verniere, L’empereur Julien et lexegese des mythes, in: J. 
Hani (ed.), Problemes du mythe et de son interpretation, 
1978, 105-118 14 A. Huttig, Macrobius im Mittelalter. 
Ein Beitrag zur Rezeptionsgeschichte der Commentarii in 
Somnium Scipionis, 1990 15 D. Dawson, Allegorical 

Readers and Cultural Revision in Ancient Alexandria, 
1992 16 H. Chadwick, Antike Schriftauslegung. Pagane 
und christliche Allegorese. Activa und Passiva im antiken 
Umgang mit der Bibel, 1998 17 J. C. Fredouille, La 

theologie tripartite, modele apologetique (Athenagore, 
Theophile, Tertullien), in: D. Porte, J.-P. Neraudau 
(eds.), Res Sacrae. Hommages a Henri Le Bonniec, 1988, 
189-219 18 F. Dolbeau, Nouveaux sermons de saint 

Augustin pour la conversion des paiens et des donatistes 
(IV), in: Recherches Augustiniennes 26, 1992, 69-141 
19 M. Marin, Allegoria in Agostino, in: La terminologia 
esegetica nell’antichita, 1987, 135-161 20 R. Herzog, 

Die allegorische Dichtkunst des Prudentius, 1966 21 Id., 
Exegese - Erbauung - Delectatio. Beitrage zu einer christ- 
lichen Poetik der Spat-Antike, in: W. Haug (ed.), Formen 
und Funktionen der Allegorie, 1979, 52-69 22 J. Pepin, 
La tradition d’allegorie. De Philon d’Alexandrie a Dante, 
1987 23 E. de Bryne, Etudes d’esthetique medievale, 

1946 24 P. Dronke, Fabula. Explorations into the Use of 
Myth in Medieval Platonism, 1974 25 H. Liebeschutz, 
Fulgentius metaphoralis. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der 
antiken Mythologie im Mittelalter, 1926 26 De libris 

quos legere solebam20, in: Poetae Latini Aevi Carolini 1, 
(Berlin 1881, 543 27 F. Ghisalberti (ed.), Ovid mora- 
lise, 1933 28 Curtius, 2iif. 29 G. M. Anselmi, Mito 
classico e allegoresi mitologica tra Beroaldo e Codro, in: 
Id., Le frontiere degli Umanisti, 1988, 13-51 30 E. Pan- 
ofsky. Studies in Iconology. Humanistic Themes in the 
Art of the Renaissance, 1939 31 E. Wind, Pagan Mys- 
teries in the Renaissance, 1958 32 F. E. Manuel, The 

Eighteenth Century Confronts the Gods, 1959 33 M. T. 
Hodgen, Early Anthropology in the Sixteenth and Seven- 
teenth Centuries, 1964 34 B. de Fontenelle, De l’origine 
des fables, A. Niderst (ed.),(= CEuvres completes, Vol. 3), 
1989, 187-202 35 F. Graf, Die Entstehung des Mythos- 
begriffs bei Christian Gottlob Heyne, in: Id.(ed.), Mythos 
in mythenloser Gesellschaft. Das Paradigma Roms, 1993, 
284-294. FRITZ GRAF 


I. Literary history II. Art history 
I. Literary history 

Since Antiquity, the term has had a productive and a 
receptive aspect. In rhetoric it denotes the generation of 
texts based on the linking of metaphors (cf. Quint. Inst. 
8,6,44) and the use of personifications. With regard to 
hermeneutics, it refers to the interpretation of mythical 
texts (Euhemeros) or biblical texts (cf. Aug. Doctr. 
christ.) which is, in a spiritual sense, clearly different 

from the literary sense. Nowadays we prefer to sub- 
sume this under the term allegorism. Already in the Psy- 
chomacbia of Prudentius (AD 405), the first larger alle- 
gorical work of literature, expressive and interpretative 
allegory work together since an allegorical text always 
identifies itself as such and presents interpretative aids 
to the readers e.g. through the proem or the speeches of 
the personifications. According to Christian under- 
standing, not only texts but also their references can be 
interpreted allegorically ( allegoria in factis) [8]; thus, in 
Prudentius Abraham’s battles in the OldTestament pre- 
figure the battle between virtues and vices within the 
Christian soul. The allegory presupposes a dualistic 
world view, the separation between a sphere of the sen- 
sual regarded as inferior and, by contrast, a distin- 
guished intelligible world; consequently, allegory has 
an affinity to -> Platonism and Christianity. As 
‘poetry of the invisible’ [4. 28] allegorical literature 
makes the intelligible evident. Therefore, allegorical 
personifications are popular in the visual arts (manu- 
scripts of allegorical texts are often illuminated in the 
Middle Ages), in the art of memory as imagines agentes, 
in the religious plays of the late Middle Ages and the 
Baroque, in the European -► festive processions 
from the entrees royales of the Middle Ages to the tri- 
umphal processions of the Italian Renaissance and the 
political celebration of the ‘Highest Being’ in the French 

Besides Prudentius, Boethius (De consolatione phi- 
losopbiae) and Martianus Capella determined the fur- 
ther development of the allegory, especially the neo-Pla- 
tonic literature of the 12th cent, replete with allusions 
to and quotations from classical authors. Partly in pro- 
simetric and partly in epic hexameter, Alanus ab Insulis 
(De planctu Naturae, Anticlaudianus), Bernardus Sil- 
vestris ( Cosmograpbia ) and Johannes de Hauvilla 
(Architrenius) describe the cosmological order and the 
position of humans in it. The often Christological alle- 
gories of animals from the Pbysiologus were adapted in 
all vernacular languages of the Middle Ages, in the most 
original fashion by Richard de Fournival, whose 
Bestiaire d’ Amours (mid-i3th cent.) refers not to sal- 
vation history but to the amorous history of the author. 
A similar tendency towards secularization and psy- 
chologization of the allegory can also be found in the 
very influential Roman de la Rose by Guillaume de 
Lorris and Jean de Meun (c. 1240-1280), in which a 
love allegory is narrated in the first person as a dream 
vision; there the mistress is split into personifications 
such as Fair Welcome or Danger. Probably the most 
complex allegory in European literary history is Dante’s 
Divina Commedia (c. 13 10-13 14); besides the subjec- 
tive allegory of the vision, it fully integrates both the 
Latin poetical and allegorical tradition as well a the tra- 
dition of the theological interpretation of the Bible. 
Dante was the first vernacular author to call for a read- 
ing of his text according to the fourfold method of inter- 
pretation (cf. Epist. 13); this, once again, demonstrates 
the complementarity of the productive and the recep- 



tive allegory. In direct addresses (e.g. Inf. 9,61-63 und 
Purg. 8,19-zi) the reader is assigned to interpret the 
Commedia allegorically, hut the dottrina is not re- 
vealed. Francesco Colonna’s Hypnerotomachia Poli- 
pbili (1499) influenced by Dante, a love allegory in stilt- 
ed Latinizing prose, reveals a strong antiquarian inter- 
est in the archaic heritage of Antiquity; therefore, im- 
ages and descriptions of monuments gain importance as 
opposed to the narrative. It is From this combination of 
picture and allegorical text that the field of -> emblems 
arose in the 16th cent. The Spanish baroque allegory of 
the Counter Reformation, however, dissolves the 
earthly world into mere illusion. In the works of Pedro 
Calderon de la Barca this is expressed in the allegorical 
equation of life and dream (La vida es sueiio) (1635) 
and that of world and theatre El gran teatro del mundo 
(1655). The very diverse plots ( argnmentos ) of the 
Corpus Christi plays always refer to the same, the only 
substantial topic (asunto), i.e. the Eucharist. Empiri- 
cism and secularization, therefore, necessarily lead to a 
depreciation of the allegory [1]; Goethe gave priority to 
the primacy of the appearance in the symbol over the 
primacy of the concept of all allegory (Maximen und 
Reflexionen, no. mz). The rehabilitation of the alle- 
gory in Baudelaire [3. 686-700] andW. Benjamin [z] is 
not a restauration of pre-modern world views, but it is 
linked to the insight into the split nature of the subject 
and the external determination by psychological forces 
such as melancholy. 

-> Allegorism; -> Emblems 

-> Allegoresis; -> Allegorical poetry; -> Allegory 

1 P.-A. Alt, Begriffsbilder. Studien zur literarischen Alle- 
gorie zwischen Opitz und Schiller, 1995 2 W. Benjamin, 
Ursprung des deutschen Trauerspiels, GS I.i, 203-430, 
1974 3 W. Haug (ed.), Formen und Funktionen der Alle- 
gorie, 1979 4 H. R. Jauss, Alteritat und Modernitat der 
mittelalterlichen Literatur, 1977. 5 Chr. Meier, Uber- 

legungen zum gegenwartigen Stand der Allegorie-For- 
schung, in: FMS 10, 1976, 1-69 6 J. Pepin, Dante et la 
tradition de l’allegorie, 1971 7 M. Quilligan, The Lan- 
guage of Allegory. Defining the Genre, 1979 8 A. Stru- 
bel, Allegoria in factis et AUegoria in verbis, in: Poetique 
23, r 9 7 5 , 342-357 9 J. Whitman, Allegory. The Dy- 

namics of an Ancient and Medieval Technique, 1987 

A. Fletcher, Allegory. The Theory of a Symbolic Mode, 
1964 max grosse 

II. Art history 
see -> Personification 

Amsterdam, Allard Pierson Museum 

A. The Institution B. History of the 
Collection C. Activities of the Museum 

A. The Institution 

The Allard Pierson Museum (APM) is located at 
Oude Turfmarkt r 27, lolz GC Amsterdam, the Neth- 
erlands. It is funded by the University of Amsterdam. 
The museum receives active support and is anchored in 


the public domain through the Vereniging van Vrienden 
Allard Pierson, with its own journal [rz], (Website:; e-mail: APM 

B. History of the Collection 

The APM, with around L4, 000 objects, is the second 
most important collection of antiquities in the Nether- 
lands after the National Museum in Leiden. It was 
founded relatively recently, on November rz, L934, 
when the Allard Pierson Stichting (Foundation) was 
transferred to the University of Amsterdam. The collec- 
tion of C.W. Lunsingh-Scheurleer from ’s-Gravenhage 
(The Hague), which was housed in his private museum, 
Carnegielaand, forms its core [1 J. As such, the APM 
serves, like other museums in this country, as an exam- 
ple of a civic museum. It originated in the context of a 
bourgeoisie broadly interested in art, antiquities and 
learning. Its collection was assembled between 1900- 
1932 through purchases on the international art mar- 

Important names of the zoth cent, history of Euro- 
pean collections are represented in the APM. The col- 
lection Lunsingh-Scheurleer in turn, for instance, ab- 
sorbed the large sets of Greek, Roman and Coptic arte- 
facts of the collection of Freiherr Friedrich W. von Bis- 
sing. This represented, apart from the Sieglin Collection 
(Stuttgart/Tubingen), one of the most important Euro- 
pean collections of art and craft of Greco-Roman 
Egypt. The Egyptian objects of the von Bissing collec- 
tion came into the possession of the APM only after 
1934 when von Bissing saw an opportunity to keep 
large parts of his collection together there [2]. In addi- 
tion, there are important items from the collections of 
Paul Arndt, Munich and of Hans Schrader, Frankfurt/ 
M, that had been acquired primarily in Athens. 

In the post-war period the APM continued the sys- 
tematic study of items in its collection, a process started 
under difficult circumstances during the war [3; 4]. In 
addition, the APM devoted itself actively to the educa- 
tion of young archaeologists while at the same time cul- 
tivating and enlarging its stock [5; 6]. Thus, in L976, on 
the occasion of the move to the Oude Turfmarkt, some 
L400 objects were donated, a sign of the broad support 
and recognition of the work done [7]. The APM re- 
ceived further donations in more recent times, too. 
Worth mentioning in this respect are the collection of 
black-figured Attic vases of Dr. J.L. Theodor (1995 ) 
[lz] in the classical field as well as the collection van 
Leer in the Egyptian department [ l 3 ; 14]. The remain- 
ing stock of the former collection Lunsingh-Scheurleer 
was finally transferred from The Hague to the APM in 
the summer of 1998 which means that the museum has 
a considerable collection of classical vases from all parts 
of the Greek world at its disposal. 

C. Activities of the Museum 

The strength of the institution lies in its collections in 
the areas of Greece, Italy, and Greek-Roman Egypt. 
The predominance of minor arts lends the institution its 



special character, something that becomes apparent in 
the permanent exhibition which is set out in modern 
display cases according to geographical and historical 
viewpoints. Detailed (multilingual) labels guide the visi- 
tor and familiarise him with the distinctive features and 
strengths of the APM collections. 

The ceramics collection contains more than 4000 
vessels and fragments and includes a broad repertoire of 
ancient forms of pottery from the Greek Bronze age 
through the Etruscans to Roman Terrasigillata [6]. 
Undecorated consumer ceramics stand next to vessels 
decorated with figures or black varnish. Attic black-fig- 
ured goods are particularly richly represented in the 
Greek section, in part by some outstanding examples. 
Figured terracotta is another main subject representing 
all important centres of production of the ancient world 
from the 6th cent. BC until the [Roman] Empire. These 
provide a good insight of the cultural and religious his- 
tory of Antiquity and are rich in mythological depicti- 
ons, bridging the time span between Antiquity and the 

Ancient sculpture is represented by burial and other 
reliefs; this department is particularly proud of a few 
busts, among them the basalt bust of a man from the 
2nd or 3rd cent. BC [15J. Metalwork is represented 
both by bronze vessels and gold and silver jewellery 
[16]. Of particular interest are the moulds for metal 
casts, as a model for a helmet from Greek Egypt shows. 
Faience and glass are also abundantly represented. The 
extensive collection of W.N.G. van der Sleen belongs, 
as a special subject, to the latter category comprising a 
compendium of glass beads from Antiquity to modern 
times [10]. Besides, finds from Roman times point at 
Holland’s own ancient past. 

While the APM as the sole archaeological Museum 
of Amsterdam - the largest Dutch city - has to perform 
important public tasks, it has developed at the same 
time into an important research centre as part of its 
academic duties [11; 13]. This way, museum work and 
basic research are developed further through the com- 
bination of academic and public duties. The APM has 
above all made a name for itself through publications 
on Greek ceramics of the archaic period. Worth men- 
tioning are, among other things, studies on Laconian 
ceramics which for the first time systematically opened 
up this important local class of ceramics [17]. The con- 
tinuing study of Greek-Roman antiquities from Egypt is 
also one of the initiatives resulting from the work of the 

1 C. W. Lunsingh-Scheurleer, Catalogus eener Verza- 
meling Egypdsche, Grieksche, Romeinsch en andere Oud- 
heden, 1909 (re.: the private collection before the 
museum’s founding) 2 G. A. S. Snijder (ed.), Allard Pier- 
son Museum, Algemeene gids, 1937, Repr. 1956 (general 
handbook for the period after the museum’s founding) 
3 H. G. van Gulik, Catalogue of the Bronzes in the Allard 
Pierson Museum. 1940 4 C. S. Ponger, Katalog der grie- 
chischen und romischen Skulptur, der steinernen Gegen- 
stande und der Stuckplastik im Allard Pierson Museum, 
1942 5 God and Men in het APM, 1972 (Exhibition 


catalogue) 6 H. A. G. Brijder (ed.), Griekse, Etruskische 
en Romeinse kunst, Allard Pierson Museum, *1984 
7 Gifts to Mark the Re-Opening, 1976 (catalogue) 8 R. 
LuNSiNGH-ScHEURLEER(ed.), Eender en anders (Exhibi- 
tion catalogue), Allard Pierson Museum, 1984 9 Id., 

Grieken in het klein. 100 antieke terracottas, 1986 10 G. 
Jurriaans-Helle, Kralen Verhalen, 1994 11 Allard Pier- 
son Series, i98off.; Allard Pierson Series, Scripta Minora, 
Stud, in Ancient Civilizations, r 9 89 f f. 12 P. Heesen, The 
J.L. Theodor Collection of Attic Black-Figure Vases, AP 
Series Vol. 10, 1996 13 (Journal) MVAPM = Mededelin- 
genblad Vereniging van Vrienden Allard Pierson MVAPM 
65, 1996, 1 14 J. M. A. Janssen, Egyptische Oudheden 
verzameld door W.A. van Leer, Mededelingen en verhan- 
delingen van het genootschap, in: Ex Oriente Lux 12, 
1957 IS R. Lunsingh-Scheurleer, Egypte Geschenk 
van de Nijl, 1992 16 Id., Antieke Sier, Goud en zilver van 
Grieken und Romeinen, 1987 17 C. Stibbe, Laconian 

Mixing Bowls. A History of the krater Lakonikos, Laco- 
nian Drinking Vessels and Other Open Shapes, Laconian 
Black-glazed pottery pt. 1 & 2, AP Series, Scripta Minora, 
Vols. 2 and 4, 1989 and 1994. WOLF RUDOLPH 

Anacreontic poetry, Anacreontica 

A. The Figure of Anacreon as a Literary 
Subject and as Eudaimonistic Model B. The 
Adaptation of Anacreontic Motifs, 
Translation and Stylistic Creation in West- 
ern Poetry C. The Neo-Latin and Vernacu- 
lar Anacreontic Poetry of Europe under the 
Banner of the Renaissance and Humanism 

D. The German Anacreontic Movement 

E. European Anacreontic Poetry in the 
18TH-19TH Cents. 

A. The Figure of Anacreon as a Literary 
Subject and as Eudaimonistic Model 
The lasting influence of Anacreon and the Anacre- 
ontea can best be expressed by the title of a book by 
L. A. Michelangeli: Anacreonte e la sua fortuna nei 
secoli (‘Anacreon and his posthumous fame throughout 
the centuries’). In order to form a picture of the poet’s 
personality, it is not necessary to rely on the historical 
or ahistorical testimony of later poets (Aulus Gellius, 
Horace), on his own works or on those of the Ana- 
creontea, for Anacreon himself had already been can- 
onized in the Hellenistic period as one of the great an- 
cient lyric poets. After the discovery, publication (1554) 
and interpretation of the Anacreontea by the French 
Humanist Henricus Stephanus (1528-1598) and later 
literarily ambitious interpreters, Anacreon, identified 
as the lyric alter ego of the poems considered authentic, 
finally became one of the leading figures of European 
Eudaimonism with Enlightenment tendencies, or the 
so-called ‘Anacreontic’ period of the 1 8th cent. The im- 
age of Anacreon, literarily reconstructed to be sure, cor- 
responded to the concept of the Socratic Sage. Goethe 
maintained this image in the epigram Anakreons Grab 
(‘Anacreon’s Tomb’, 1784). 




B. The Adaptation of Anacreontic 

Motifs, Translation and Stylistic 

Creation in Western Poetry 

Connected with this image, Anacreontic poetry im- 
mediately spread throughout Europe. In addition to po- 
etic translations and adaptations (-► Adaptation), the 
Anacreontic style of writing became prevalent first in 
Neo-Latin, then later also in vernacular tongues 
(unrhymed catalectic iambic or catalectic ionic dimeter 
in meter; witty and graceful, often also tenderly flirta- 
tious or casually narrative in style; in subject-matter: 
erotic playfulness, often in allegorical guise; poems of 
friendship and marriage; meditations). 

C. The Neo-Latin and Vernacular Anac- 
reontic Poetry of Europe under the 

Banner of the Renaissance and Humanism 

The Neo-Latins were to some extent already com- 
posing anacreonizing verse in the various national lit- 
eratures before the editio princeps of Anacreon in 1 5 54: 
for example, the Italian Angelo Poliziano (1454-1494), 
the Englishman Thomas More (1478-1535,) and the 
Dutchman Johannes Secundus (1511-1536); some- 
what later, the Germans Johannes Aurpach (1531- 
1582) and Caspar Barth (1587-1658). The poetry of 
the recent national literatures followed the editio prin- 
ceps of 15 54: in France, beginning with Pierre Ronsard 
(1524-1585) and Remy Belleau (1528-1577); in Italy, 
with Torquato Tasso (1544-1595) and Gabriello Chi- 
abrera (1552-1638); in Spain, beginning with Manuel 
de Villegas (1589-1669); in Holland with Daniel Hein- 
sius (1580-1655) and Petrus Scriverius (1576-1666); 
in Britain with Robert Herrick (1591-1674) and Abra- 
ham Cowley (1618-1667); in Poland with Jan Kocha- 
nowski (1530-1584); in Germany with Georg Rudolph 
Weckherlin ( 1 584-1653 ) and Philipp von Zesen ( 1 619- 
1689). The anacreontic style, which could also take on 
sentimental features, was particularly appropriate for 
occasional poetry from the 16th to the 18th cent. Neo- 
Latin and vernacular anacreontic wedding-poems were 
a common artistic exercise. Finally, in the poetry of the 
Catholic orders the style and meter were transferred to 
Christian themes: By the Jesuits, for instance - the Ger- 
man-Czech Jacobus Pontanus (1542-1626), from 
France Gilbertus Ioninus (1596-1638), from Belgium 
Nicolaus Susius (d. 1619), from Holland Petrus Stra- 
tenus and finally from Italy Carlo d’Aquino in 1726. 
There was also an Anacreon christianus in the Protes- 
tant camp - for instance with Wilhem Alardus (1572- 
1645) and Caspar Barth. This kind of parodia Chri- 
stiana reminds one of the Christian ‘Anacreontea’, as 
they had been constituted since the 7th cent, by Sophro- 
nius of Damascus, Bishop of Jerusalem, and his succes- 
sors Helias and Michael Syncellus (8th and 9th cents.), 
and had later become characteristic of Byzantine cul- 
ture through the poems of the Patriarch Photius, Em- 
peror Leo, Leo Magister, Gregory of Nazianzen and 

D. The German Anacreontic Movement 

German Anacreontic poetry reached a high-water 

mark in the 18th cent. A number of Anacreon editions 
and translations had sustained interest in this lyric 
poetry until this point. The inexhaustible gracious 
poetry of the French - the historically last poets of a 
long line: Chaulieu (1639-1720), La Farre (1644- 
1712), de la Motte (1672-1731), and Cresset (1709- 
1777) come to mind - provided with numerous odes 
anacreontiques the very cadence and motifs which were 
decisive for German anacreontic poetry, the center of 
the so-called Anacreontic in the 18th cent. The literary- 
historical concept of Anacreontic thus focusses on that 
buoyant lyric poetry of the German Enlightenment 
(-» Enlightenment), which, in view of a new under- 
standing of a secularized and optimistic existence 
supported by the bourgeoisie, took the Anacreontic as 
its model with regard to content, meter, and style. The 
figure of Anacreon became the ideal for the attitude 
toward life of a poetic youth movement. The poetic 
translation, Die Oden Anakreons in reimlosen Versen 
(The odes of Anacreon in unrhymed verses), published 
in 1746 by Johann Nikolaus Gotz (1721-1781) and 
Johann Peter Uz (1720-1786) had its effect: in 1760 it 
appeared once again, revised by Gotz. The young En- 
lightenment thinkers, often ‘anacreontically’ confede- 
rated in friendship-leagues, had their own German 
Anacreon, translated in the new style of pleasantries 
and gracefulness. Johann Wilhelm Ludwig Gleim 
(1719-1803), known as the ‘German Anacreon’, 
propagated the style of unrhymed anacreontic short 
verses developed by his friends Uz and Gotz through his 
own attempt at humorous songs devoted to friendship, 
love, and (moderate) wine-drinking (1744/45). Gleim 
attracted other Anacreontics into his circle of friends: 
Karl Wilhelm Ramler (1725-1798), Johann Georg 
Jacobi (1740-1814) and others. The anacreontic style, 
extended onto numerous topics, found from then on 
supporters in Goethe (1749-1832) and his friend Karl 
Ludwig von Knebel (1744-1834), August Graf von 
Platen (1796-1835), Wilhem Muller (1794-1827), 
Eduard Morike (1804-1875) down to Otto Julius Bier- 
baum (1865-1910) and Hugo von Hofmannsthal 

E. European Anacreontic Poetry in the 

18TH-19TH Cents. 

The reception of Anacreon in other European nati- 
ons took a similar course as in Germany: the Italians 
developed an enthusiastic taste for anacreonizing in: 
Paolo Rolli (1687-1765), Pietro Metastasio (1698- 
1782) and Lorenzo da Ponte (1749-1838); from Swe- 
den, based on German models, anacreontic verses by 
Carl Michael Bellmann (1740-1795) rang forth; like- 
wise from Holland by Jacobus Bellamy (1757-1786). 
In England, the adaptation of the Anacreontea by 
Thomas Moore (1779-1852) called forth an unheard- 
of enthusiasm for Anacreon. There was no end to the 
anacreonizing, when at the end of the 18th cent., under 




the influence of the Europe-wide classicistic enthusiasm 
for Antiquity, and influenced by German literature, 
Russian lyricists also gave their contribution: after 
Antioch Dmitrijevich Kantemir (1709-1744), who- 
provided the first Russian translation of the Anacre- 
ontea, M.V. Lomonossov (1711-1765) and A.P. Suma- 
rokov (1717-1777) tried their hand at it, the latter tak- 
ing Gleim as his model. Finally, Michail Matvejevich 
Cheraskov (1733-1807), together with the poets close 
to him, brought life to a Russian Anacreontic, which 
was influential long into the 19th cent., and was pro- 
moted by the complete translation of the Anacreontea 
by J.J. Martynov (1771-1833). 

-> Anacreon 

1 M. Baumann, Die Anakreonteen in englischer Uberset- 
zung, 1974 2 W. Kuhlmann, ‘Amor liberalis’. Astheti- 
scher Lebensentwurf und Christianisierung der neu-latei- 
nischen Anakreontik in der Ara des europaischen Spa- 
thumanismus, in A. Buck, T. Klaniczay (eds.), Das Ende 
der Renaissance - Europaische Kultur um 1600, 1987, 
165-186 3 L. A. Michelangeli, Anacreonte e la sua 

fortuna nei secoli con una rassegna critica su gl’imitatori e 
i traduttori italiani delle ‘Anacreontee’, 1922 4 J. 

O’Brien, Anacreon Redivivus: A Study of Anacreontic 
Translation in Mid-Sixteenth-Century France. 1995 5 P. 
Rosenmeyer. The Poetics of Imitation: Anacreon and the 
Anacreontic Tradition. 1992 6 A. Rubio’ y Lluch, Estu- 
dio critico-bibliografico sobre Anacreonte y la Coleccion 
Anacreontea, y su influencia en la literatura antiqua y 
moderna, 1879 7 D. Schenk, Studien zur anakreonti- 

schen Ode in der russischen Literatur des Klassizismus 
und der Empfindsamkeit, 1972 8 H. Zeman, s.v. Ana- 

kreontische Dichtung, Anakreontik, Literarisches 
Rokoko, in: Fischer Lexikon der Literatur, 1996 9 Id., 

Die Entfaltung der deutschen Anakreontische Dichtung 
des 17. Jahrhunderts an den Universitaten und ihre Wir- 
kung im stadtischen Lebensbereich, in: Stadt-Schule-Uni- 
versitat, Buchwesen und die deutsche Literatur im 17. 
Jahrhundert, 1976, 396-409. 10 Id., Goethes anakreon- 
tische Lyrik der Weimarer Zeit, in: Zeitschrift fiir deutsche 
Philologie, 94, 1975, 203-235. 11 Id., Die deutsche ana- 
kreontische Dichtung, 1972. herbertzeman 

Ancient History (Greece, Rome, Late Antiquity) see 

->■ Historiography 

Ancient Languages, Teaching of 
I. Germany II. Great Britain III. Italy 
IV. France V. USA 

I. Germany 

A. Definition B. History C. The Current 

A. Definition 

Methodical instruction in the classical languages 
Latin and Greek (in earlier times also Hebrew) as well 
as guided reading and interpretation of Latin and Greek 
texts is designated as instruction in the classics. 

B. History 

Classical languages have been taught since ancient 
times, when Greek was studied in Rome. In medieval 
preparatory schools/Latin schools, Latin was the focus 
of instruction. Grammar, rhetoric and dialectics were 
taught and practised using Classical texts. This instruc- 
tion was intended to prepare students for reading philo- 
sophical and scholarly works. In the — > Renaissance, 
renewed interest in the ancient world led to the estab- 
lishment of instruction in the Classics. Cicero’s works 
were now regarded as an expression of Classical Latin 
style; latine legere, scribere, loqui was the goal of the 
new kind of Latin teaching, and Greek began to be 
taught as well. Latin instruction in particular had not 
only academic, but also practical purposes, since pro- 
ficiency in eloquentia (‘eloquence’) was useful as long as 
Latin remained the language of the Church, diplomacy, 
scholarship and jurisprudence. After 1700, as the 
German language was increasingly placed on an equal 
footing with Latin and also gained more acceptance at 
the ->■ University, the importance of teaching Latin de- 

Against this backdrop, the 18th cent. Classical 
scholars J. M. Gesner and C. G. Heyne developed a new 
concept of the ancient world and stressed the value of 
cultural tradition in -> education/culture. In der 
Kritik an dem rbetorischen Bildungsideal (-> Rheto- 
ric) des ersten Humanisten mit seiner Latinitdtsdressur 
verleg(t)en sie den Schwerpunkt von der Imitation auf 
die Interpretation der antiken Scbriften, deren idealem 
Gebalt sie scbon vor dem Einflufi Winckelmanns und 
Herders eine humanisierende Wirkung zuschr(ie)ben 
(‘In their critique of the rhetorical ideal of education 
(Rhetoric) put forth by the first humanists, which was 
characterized by an emphasis on Latinate rote learning, 
they shifted the emphasis from imitation to the inter- 
pretation of Classical writings, ascribing a humanizing 
effect to the ideals contained in such works, even before 
the influence of Winckelmann and Herder was felt’ 1 10. 
3]). This new appreciation for the Classical tradition 
encouraged a view of education in which the Greek lan- 
guage as well as Greek art and philosophy offered a 
historical model of the highest levels of human perfec- 
tion, and thus the ancient world served as the focus of 
education. After 1780, Heyne’s pupil F. A. Wolf devel- 
oped the academic field of Classical languages into that 
of Classical philology, making it an independent disci- 
pline. At the same time, J. G. Herder was including 
similar ideas in his lectures. He emphasized that the 
ideal formation of a human being is based on the har- 
monious development of his talents, and that this goal 
can be furthered by learning Classical languages and 
studying exemplary works front the ancient world. 
Around the year 1800, W. von Humboldt built upon 
this foundation to establish the new humanist theory of 
education. Like F. A. Wolf, he was convinced that the 
Greeks had achieved a particularly pure concept of hu- 
manity in their culture and the works they produced. 
Accordingly, education should focus on the study of 



Greek antiquity, particularly Greek language, literature 
and art, since only such studies were capable of stimu- 
lating thinking and one’s aesthetic and moral sense in 
the desired way. 

Humboldt presumed that every human being pos- 
sesses ‘capabilities’ suited for perceiving and learning 
about the world. These capabilities must be developed 
in a harmonious and well-rounded manner. To that 
end, stimuli are required from a variety of situations 
and encounters, as well as from various kinds of sub- 
jects; education requires using one’s powers to deal 
with subjects and situations with which one comes into 
contact. The primary means of stimulation is language, 
since it is the unique mode of expression that distin- 
guishes human beings from other creatures. Languages 
such as ancient Greek and Latin, which have ceased to 
change and are no longer spoken, and which convey 
great cultural accomplishments, are, in their clarity, 
particularly suitable for practicing one’s capabilities. 
Together with the study of the mother tongue and math- 
ematics, they offer fundamental stimuli to shape a per- 
sonality that is capable of thinking independently, 
assessing situations, and acting in accordance with the 
dictates of morality. 

During the Prussian educational reform that began 
in 1809, these ideas played a significant role in the con- 
cept of the humanistic Gymnasium. Instruction in the 
Classics represented the core of the Gymnasium’s cur- 
riculum. It was Latin, not Greek, however, that became 
the fundamental language in the schools, while instruc- 
tion in Greek was added two years later. But this Gym- 
nasium curriculum, which was developed by J. W. 
Silvern, reflected the fact that it was no longer Hum- 
boldt’s position to require pupils in the Gymnasium to 
study both Latin and Greek over a period of many 
years. Pupils working toward the final qualifying ex- 
amination (Abitur) were now required to study both 
Classical languages up to their final school year, to 
express themselves in Latin both in writing and orally, 
and later to translate from Greek into Latin. It soon 
became clear that an important function of instruction 
in the Classics was not so much to educate young people 
through the study of Classical languages, but to carry 
out social selection. After 1832, the study of Latin was 
also introduced for the first time in the secondary 
schools for the bourgeoisie; no heed was paid to the 
need to teach the emerging natural sciences, and only 
later were the sciences integrated into the curriculum to 
a limited degree. For a long time, the influence of the 
Classical philologists made it impossible to receive an 
education at the Gymnasium by studying other sub- 
jects. Thus instruction in the Classics remained the core 
subject and the most imposing obstacle to passing in 
Abitur examination. It was not until the last third of the 
1 8th century that the number of hours devoted to the 
Classics declined somewhat; for instance, the Latin 
essay was eliminated from the Abitur. Finally, the 
school conference of 1900 abolished the monopoly of 
the -► Humanist gymnasium as the only pathway by 


which one could gain general qualification for univer- 
sity entrance. Concurrently, there were discussions and 
testing of ways to reform the Gymnasium by shortening 
the duration of instruction in the Classics. 

In this situation, proponents of instruction in the 
Classics saw a way to underscore its importance by 
seeking to interpret Classical texts in the prevalent spirit 
of German nationalism [ 1 j . This stabilized the situation 
for a brief period, but the Classics’ position in education 
again became precarious after 1918. The old charges - 
that it was outmoded, elitist, excessively demanding, 
not appropriate for children, socially selective, reac- 
tionary - were again raised during the Weimar Repub- 
lic. The decline of instruction in the Classics was 
unstoppable. Nor was the ->■ Third Humanism move- 
ment founded by W. Jaeger, whose proponents idealis- 
tically emphasized the educational effects of Classical 
studies, able to gain widespread acceptance. Further- 
more, advocates of instruction in the Classics neglected 
to adapt to the need for political education that encou- 
raged a republican way of thinking. Das liebevoll weiter 
ausgemalte Bild des friihen Rom als einer verklarten 
Welt, die von fides, auctoritas, labor, pietas und magni- 
tude animi erfiillt war, konnte nicht nur bistorische 
Nacbpriifung nicht standbalten, sondern stellte auch 
kein geeignetes Leitbild fur die Jugend eines demokra- 
tischen Staates dar (‘The lovingly painted portrait of 
ancient Rome as an idealized world filled with fides, 
auctoritas, labor, pietas and magnitudo animi not only 
failed the test of historical accuracy, but also offered no 
suitable model for young people in a democratic state’ 
[9. 37]). A further devaluation of instruction in the 
Classics occurred under the National Socialists [1] 
(-» National Socialism). They demanded that the 
study of Latin and Greek be used to promote a spirit of 
nationalism. There is some dispute as to the practical 
effects of these demands on the schools. In most cases, it 
meant ideologization; however, sometimes the Classics 
were also used as a means of distancing oneself from 
Nazi ideology. Two strands of development can be 
reconstructed for the period between 1945 and 1990, 
one West German, the other East. In West Germany 
attempts were successful, despite strong American 
objections to the humanistic Gymnasium, to reestablish 
instruction in the Classics as it was traditionally under- 
stood. Indeed, it experienced a brief flowering in the 
1950s, before steadily losing ground in the 1960s. 
There are a number of reasons for the dramatic decline: 
1. the familiar, above-mentioned objections to the hu- 
manistic Gymnasium, 2. the establishment of new sub- 
ject concentrations in the Gymnasium, which proved 
more attractive to many parents, 3 . the expansion of the 
study of the natural sciences, 4. discussion of an im- 
pending disaster in education and attempts to attract 
pupils, 5. the opening of the Gymansium to a wider 
segment of the population, 6. the reform of the Gym- 
nasium’s upper level with the introduction of elective 
subjects, which often led students to drop courses such 
as Latin that had occupied a privileged position in the 


curriculum, and 7. discussion about modernizing the 
curriculum, introducing clearly defined instructional 
and learning goals. Within the curriculum discussion, it 
was apparently no longer possible to identify appropri- 
ate goals, content and methods for instruction in the 
Classics. In 1970, it seemed that it would be ‘only a 
matter of time’ until such instruction was done away 
with altogether [10. 7]. 

However, the threatened demise of instruction in the 
Classics mobilized efforts to legitimize and reestablish it 
within the framework of the modern curriculum dis- 
cussion. The Classical philologists sought to draw up 
‘concrete descriptions of the content and functions of 
Classical instruction’ [11. 1 J, in place of the familiar 
emotional appeals that underscored the value of Clas- 
sical studies in shaping the human mind. A new peda- 
gogy was developed in which clear goals for instruction 
in the Classics were formulated, as well as appropriate 
content and methods. The theory that Classical works 
were useful in themselves was abandoned in favour of 
arguments that language instruction was valuable for 
developing existing capabilities by focusing on socially 
relevant topics. This more objective approach was re- 
flected in the following learning goals, formulated in 
terms of behaviour: instruction in the Classics encou- 
rages the development of scholarly procedure. By teach- 
ing translation, it helps the student to practise choosing 
the appropriate word in a given situation and to under- 
stand the context of written materials. It introduces the 
student to interpretive techniques and provides insight 
into unfamiliar grammar and means of expression. As 
such goals were formulated, appropriate texts for read- 
ing were chosen and methods of instruction were selec- 
ted. On this basis, Classical philologists were able to 
participate in constructing new curricula in the 1970s. 
The curricular approach - goals, content, methods, eva- 
luating the achievement of learning goals - was also 
practised in the case of the Classics curricula. Learning 
goals were formulated with a view to general educa- 
tional goals, and content was determined with those 
goals in mind. Subsequently, procedures were identified 
for achieving and assessing the goals that had been set. 
In this context it was decided that learning goals should 
reflect social needs. Thus the teaching of Latin might 
concentrate on specific questions relating to Rome as a 
world power, such as its policies toward conquered 
nations, its legal system and so on, which in effect uses 
the past to encourage thinking about central issues of 
the present. The language itself and the texts composed 
in that language were no longer regarded as indispen- 
sable pillars of a good education; they had to be justified 
through logical learning goals as appropriate subjects 
to be taught. Accordingly, the instructional aims be- 
came clearer, and they were reflected in concrete subject 
matter. Thus the pedagogy of Classical language teach- 
ing gained intellectual status in the curricular discus- 
sion; instruction in the Classics was accepted as a part 
of education in the schools. It was now a subject that 
needed to compete with the other school subjects and 


prove convincing in terms of its goals. In the case of 
Latin, especially, these efforts were sufficiently success- 
ful to appeal to parents of Gymnasium students, and 
interest in studying Latin has remained steady ever since 
the 1980s. 

In East Germany (beginning in 1949, the German 
Democratic Republic) the secondary schools continued 
to offer so-called C branches with Classes in Latin and 
Greek until the mid-1960s (-► GDR). Even in the sec- 
ondary schools that focused on modern languages or 
the natural sciences, Latin was a required subject up to 
the ‘Kleines Latinum’ [6. 3 1 3 1 . After 1964, when the 
educational system shifted to a socialist model featuring 
a polytechnical secondary school (which went up to the 
10th form, Polytechniscbe Oberschule, POS) and an 
expanded secondary school (nth/iith form, Ertvei- 
terte Oberschule, EOS), the Classes that had focused on 
Classical languages were eliminated. In all of the GDR, 
there were now nine schools in which instruction in the 
Classics was compulsory. In addition, Latin was offered 
as a mandatory elective course in the nth and 12th 
years of the expanded secondary school, for three 
hours, twice a week. In the 1980s fewer pupils were able 
to study the Classical languages because of a worsening 
shortage of teachers qualified to teach Latin or Greek. 
At the same time, ‘the demand for courses in Classical 
languages at the universities by far exceeded the re- 
sources of the foreign language departments’ [6. 313]. 
This gap between supply and demand drew renewed 
attention to the importance of instruction in the Clas- 
sics in a well-rounded education and as a basis for uni- 
versity training. An initial step toward remedying the 
shortage was the decision in 1 9 8 5 that the University of 
Halle would again train Latin teachers; subjects were 
combined: German plus Latin or Russian plus Latin, 
with the option of earning certification to teach Greek 
as well. However, by 1990, there had been no success in 
expanding instruction in the Classics in order to bring 
‘secondary school education in the GDR up to a level 
comparable to the rest of Europe’ [6. 3 16J. 

C. The Current Situation 

More recent curricula include the Classical lan- 
guages on an equal footing with the modern languages 
and other subjects. The characteristic structure of the 
Gymnasium, as a multi-functional school that offers a 
variety of choices, puts instruction in the Classics in 
competition with other subjects, particularly the mod- 
ern languages. The struggle to attract students begins in 
the first year, and continues every two years thereafter. 
Students and parents may choose between Latin-later 
Greek- and, each time, a modern foreign language. Ac- 
cordingly, proponents of the Classics today must seek 
to attract students through open competition with oth- 
er subjects. This has led to numerous efforts to provide 
a rationale for learning Latin, while Greek has been 
promoted to a lesser degree. Statistics for the period 
from 1980 to 1992 from the Conference of Ministers of 
Education and the Arts (Kultusministerkonferenz, 



KMK) show that the share of students who took Latin 
at the first and second secondary school levels has fallen 
steadily, but appears likely to remain stable at the new 
levels. The percentage dropped from 40.7% (1980) to 
27.3% (1992), but the absolute number of pupils study- 
ing Latin has recently increased somewhat. There are, 
however, differences among the German states in how 
often pupils choose to study Latin. By far the largest 
percentage of pupils to take Latin is found in Bavaria 
(41.9%). By comparison, there appears to be almost no 
interest in taking Greek: during this period, the percent- 
age of all pupils studying Greek at the first and second 
secondary school levels declined from 1.4% to 0.7%, 
according to the KMK. While 559,134 pupils were tak- 
ing Latin in 1992, only 13,656 chose to study Greek. 

In discussing the reasons for studying various sub- 
jects, arguments for the importance of Latin teaching in 
particular were brought up very early on. The new hu- 
manists (-> Neo-Humanism) underscored its role in 
conveying formal principles. In 1900, Willmann stres- 
sed the ‘inherent logic’ of the Latin language and 
described instruction in the Classics as a ‘regime of 
intellectual exercise’ [13. 364], while also pointing out 
the importance of the cultural content of Latin works 
for a proper education. Similar arguments are now 
couched in modern terms. F. Maier lists the five most 
important: 1) ‘Latin is the keep-fit path of the mind’: 
courses in Latin provide a training ground for logical 
thinking that requires methodical, thorough and con- 
centrated work on clear text passages. Text analysis 
encourages intellectual discipline and forces the student 
to follow certain rules in order to work through unfa- 
miliar sentence structure. Translating constantly re- 
quires comparison of the Latin content with the Ger- 
man. This enriches one’s language. 2) Latin is the ‘basic 
language of Europe’. It is the foundation for numerous 
languages and forms a bridge to the Romance lan- 
guages. 3 ) Latin is the ‘fundamental language of schol- 
arship’. Having learned Latin, one can decipher many 
common scholarly concepts. 4) Latin is a ‘key language 
in European culture’. It is the language in which the 
basic texts of European thought were written up to the 
modern age. 5) Latin is the ‘core subject of a humanistic 
education’ [8 J. The Latin tradition includes texts about 
political, ethical and philosophical issues that are com- 
parable to the basic issues confronting us today. These 
texts can be used as models in ‘intensive study of the 
foundations of human existence’ [8. 400]. They offer 
impetus for developing a humanistic perspective with 
regard to historical and social situations. These are the 
central arguments. Sometimes the additional argument 
is made that Latin is an appropriate first foreign lan- 
guage, since it does not involve difficulties in pronun- 
ciation or writing. 

The introduction of the multi-functional Gymna- 
sium meant that Latin was taught in four different seg- 
ments, beginning in the fifth year with Latin I, in the 
seventh with Latin II, in the ninth with Latin III, and in 
the tenth or eleventh with Latin IV. This means differ- 


ent numbers of hours of instruction, and requires find- 
ing a balance between the teaching of language and of 
reading. ‘The shorter the language-teaching phase, the 
more demands are placed on reading instruction, in 
order to consolidate, reinforce and expand the pupils’ 
knowledge of the language’ [7. 109]. Accordingly, the 
various types of Latin teaching must reflect age-specific 
abilities and interests. In any case, it is problematic to 
teach reading adequately to convey the ancient way of 
life, given a limited amount of language instruction. 
The new pedagogy has developed models for both con- 
tent and methods to address this issue. 

In order to encourage the study of Greek, particular 
emphasis has been placed on the importance of ancient 
Greek civilization and its literary works. Even more 
than Latin, the study of Greek requires a willingness to 
deal with a foreign tradition with precision, concen- 
tration and persistence; accordingly, a stronger focus 
has been placed on learning to read Greek and examin- 
ing basic texts that deal with issues of politics, ethics 
and knowledge. 

Two thousand years after Cicero, then, we can con- 
clude that, despite undiminished opposition, instruc- 
tion in the Classics has withstood the crisis of the 1970s. 
Indeed, it has emerged from this period even stronger, 
and with new approaches to both content and method- 
ology. At present, efforts are focused on seeking to con- 
solidate the competitive position of instruction in the 
Classics relative to the other subjects in the curriculum 
by linking the issues it raises to the present day; this 
seems to have been more successful in the case of Latin, 
since it is a more accessible language and more people 
appear to be convinced of its importance. Greek, on the 
other hand, while favoured by the new humanists, con- 
tinues its long-term fight for survival. 

-* Classicism after Classical Antiquity; 

-* Course of Instruction; -» Germany; -» Scho- 

1 H. J. Apel, S. Bittner, Humanistische Schulbildung 
1890-1945, 1994 2 G. Bahls, W. Kirsch, Fiinfjahriges 
Diplomlehrerstudium auch in der Ausbildung von Alt- 
sprachenlehrern, in: Fremdsprachenunterricht 7/8, 1988, 
390-395 3 H.-J. Glucklich, Lateinunterricht, 1993 4 J. 
Gruber, F. Maier (eds.), Alte Sprachen, 2 vols. 1979 
5 W. v. Humboldt, Der konigsberger und der litauische 
Schulplan, Werke 13, 1920 6 W. Kirsch, Gegenwart und 
Zukunft des Altsprachenunterrichts, in: Fremdsprachen- 
unterricht 7, 1990, 313-320 7 F. Maier, Lateinunter- 

richt zwischen Tradition und Fortschritt, vol. 1, 1984 
8 Id., Latein liegt im Trend der Zeit, in: Forschung und 
Lehre 9, 1994, 398-400 9 K. Matthiessen, Altsprach- 
licher Unterricht in Deutschland, in: J. Gruber, F. Maier 
(eds.), Alte Sprachen, vol. 1, 1979, 11-42 10 C. Menze, 
s.v. Altsprachlicher Unterricht, in: Neues Padagogisches 
Lexikon, 1971, 4-7 11 R. Nickel, Altsprachlicher Unter- 
richt, 1973 12 K. Westphalen, Neue Perspektiven fiir 

den Latein- und Griechischunterricht, in: Gymnasium 
100, 1993, 144-158 13 O. Willmann, Didaktik als Bil- 
dungslehre, 1909. HANS JURGEN APEL 


II. Great Britain 

A. From the Renaissance to the zoth Cent. 

B. zoth Cent. C. Current Situation 

A. From the Renaissance to the zoth Cent. 

From the Renaissance until the early zoth cent., the 

teaching of Latin and (to a lesser degree) Greek occu- 
pied the most prominent place in the school curriculum 
for the British educated classes. Long after Latin had 
lost its function as Europe’s lingua franca, the Classical 
languages and Classical literature formed the founda- 
tion of schooling for children of the ruling aristocracy 
and academic families. This situation was not appreci- 
ably changed by the industrial revolution in the 19th 
cent.: the established schools were hesitant to introduce 
instruction in the natural sciences, and the new indus- 
trial leadership class wanted its own sons to enjoy an 
education similar to that provided for the landed gen- 
try. When state-run secondary schools were established 
in 190Z, their curriculum was intended to approximate 
the model of the traditional grammar schools and the 
so-called public schools as closely as possible. The Clas- 
sical subjects continued to be defended with the argu- 
ment that they offered a comprehensive general edu- 
cation (-> Education/Culture) that schooled the 
intellect and offered the optimum preparation for 
public government service, whether in — ► Great Brit- 
ain or in other parts of the British empire. 

One of the main methodological features of instruc- 
tion in the Classics, beginning in the early 19th cent, 
and continuing up to the 1960s, was the great impor- 
tance attached to translation (-> Adaptation) from 
English into Latin and Greek. Stylistic exercises in both 
prose and verse were developed into a high art that was 
regarded as a central element in linguistic education, 
along with the stylistic integration of Greek and Latin 

B. zoth Cent. 

In the course of the zoth cent., the Classical subjects 
lost their preeminence in the curriculum, while other 
subjects such as the natural sciences and modern lan- 
guages have steadily increased in importance. First 
Greek, then Latin, lost its position as a subject required 
for admission to the universities at Oxford and Cam- 
bridge. A further factor was the development in the 
state-run educational sector of non-selective compre- 
hensive schools, which, in many places, were replacing 
the state-run grammar schools that had offered Latin. 
Theoretically, the Classical languages could still be 
taught in the comprehensive schools, since individual 
schools maintained control over their curricula, and 
indeed, some head teachers offered Latin and - albeit 
only rarely - Greek as an elective for their more talented 
pupils. After 1988, however, when a uniform curricu- 
lum (the so-called National Curriculum ) was intro- 
duced in all state-run schools, only few pupils were able 
to take Latin, and Greek disappeared almost entirely 
from the schools. In the so-called public schools, which 


offered a more academically oriented programme, Lat- 
in continued to be taught, but was only rarely com- 
pulsory. A few schools also offered Greek, but this fre- 
quently depended on the willingness of individual 
teachers to take on additional unpaid work. 

During the second half of the zoth cent., these devel- 
opments caused teachers to rethink the real goals of 
teaching the Classical languages and the rationale for 
them as part of the curriculum (-> Course of Instruc- 
tion). Owing to the limited amount of time allotted in 
the curriculum, it seemed necessary to attach more 
importance to teaching translation so that pupils might 
read the ancient Latin and Greek texts. It was no longer 
possible to maintain the traditional emphasis on stylis- 
tic exercises in the Classical languages. Classical lan- 
guage instruction was generally justified in terms of cul- 
tural considerations rather than as a way of sharpening 
one’s intellect, which was presumed to be a benefit of 
their study as well. The new language courses for begin- 
ners included historical and other kinds of background 
material, which captured and held pupils’ interest. Ad- 
vanced classes attached less importance to knowledge 
of grammar than to the development of a critical liter- 
ary sense. All the same, the argument continued to be 
made that the real reason for learning Latin was to de- 
velop the ability to apply learning methods to other sub- 
jects, particularly as utilitarian considerations gained 
the upper hand in the materialistic climate of the 1980s. 
A new movement arose in 1977 with the development 
of modern learning materials for introducing Latin in 
the state-run primary schools, which may well be useful 
in helping to teach English grammar. 

Constant worry about the survival of the subject also 
led to a change in methodology. In the first half of the 
zoth cent., a campaign was initiated by the Association 
for the Reform of Latin Teaching, urging the use of the 
so-called ‘direct approach’, which is normally associ- 
ated with teaching modern languages. While this meth- 
od produced some enthusiastic teachers, it failed to gain 
general acceptance, since oral communication is not 
among the main goals of learning Greek and Latin. 
However, enhancing knowledge of the original -> pro- 
nounciation did indeed lead to improvements in the 
ability to recite Classical poetry and prose. The Classi- 
cal Association continues to support regional competi- 
tions for pupils in which Classical texts are read aloud 
and quoted from memory. 

C. Current Situation 

The most significant influence on instruction in the 
Classics during the second half of the zoth cent, came 
from the Joint Association of Classical Teachers 
(JACT), founded in 196Z. In its publications and con- 
ferences, this association proposed a number of inno- 
vations and provided help to teachers in adjusting to 
changed circumstances. One of its achievements was 
the development of a textbook for teaching Greek that 
is still widely used in schools and universities, both in 
Great Britain and abroad. In addition, the JACT found- 


ed summer schools for older pupils studying Latin and 
Greek. This again enabled more pupils to learn the 
Classical languages, and many young people were 
encouraged to continue their study at the -*■ Univer- 
sity level. 

Currently, most university departments of Classical 
philology offer courses for students who want to begin 
studying the Classical languages, whether in order to 
read Classical texts in the original or as a foundation for 
studies in other areas. Moreover, there is considerable 
interest in such courses in the field of adult education. 
The wide dissemination of texts in translation as well as 
many other sources of information, including television 
and travel, has led to increasing public interest in Clas- 
sical literature and ancient civilizations. Such factors - 
and not so much the established position of the Classi- 
cal languages in the English school system - will un- 
doubtedly keep instruction in the Classics alive in Great 
Britain in the zist cent, and beyond. 

-> Schools 

1 T. W. Bamford, The Rise of the Public Schools, 1967, 
86-1 15 2 J. E. Sharwood Smith, On Teaching Classics, 
1977, Z3-3 6 3 C. A. Stray, Classics Transformed: 

Schools, Universities and Society in England, 1830-1960, 
1998 4 M. J. Wiener, English Culture and the Decline of 
the Industrial Spirit, 1981, 16-Z4 

Additional Bibliography: M. L. Clarke, Classical 
Education in Britain 1500-1900, 195 9; C. A. Stray, The 
Living Word: W. H. D. Rouse and the Crisis of Classics in 
Edwardian England, 1992. DAVID ANTONY RAEBURN 

III. Italy 

A. History to the End of the 19TH Cent. 

B. zoth Cent. 

A. History to the End of the 19TH Cent. 

As it was in the Roman Empire’s school system, 
which continued in place in Italy up to the time of the 
Lombards, the teaching of Latin grammar and rhetoric 
were characteristic of the Italian system. These subjects 
aided in occupational training that was based primarily 
on the study of law. Following directly in the tradition 
of the legal academies of the Roman Empire, beginning 
in the 4th cent, the Church established cathedral 
schools (-+ Cathedral schools) for educating priests 
as well as parish schools that were open to all, in which 
the basics of Latin were taught; these can be considered 
the forerunners of today’s primary schools. The goal of 
mediaeval schooling was the pupils’ religious educa- 
tion; accordingly, the ‘non-Christian’ writers Virgil and 
Ovid as well as Classical culture in general were largely 
ignored and viewed as dangerous. The ‘secular’ answer 
to the Church’s system of instruction came during the 
period of the city-republics with the establishment of 
state-run schools in which arithmetic and writing were 
taught rather than elementary Latin; at a higher level, 
there were the -> universities, which had their roots in 
the culture of the city. At the same time the humanistic 
schools emerged, a mid-level model that was common 


in the most prominent Italian cities. The main propo- 
nents of this model were educational theorists like Gua- 
rino Guarini and Vittorino da Feltre, whose aim was to 
educate young people to become good citizens, taking 
care to respect their dignity, by reviving the Classical 
ideal of humanitas (-> Humanism). The schools taught 
rhetoric as well as the philological and historical inter- 
pretation of Classical texts. 

The studia humanistica did not last long; their ‘hu- 
manistic and religious’ ideals were taken up during the 
Counter-Reformation by the Jesuit colleges, which dis- 
sociated themselves from the free universities and devel- 
oped into public schools par excellence, in Italy as well 
as in other countries (cf. [z]; -> Jesuit schools). The 
Jesuit ratio studiorum (1599) provided for instruction 
in Latin grammar during the first four years of study. 
The teaching method was based on mnemonics, and the 
goal was to practise the rhetorical use of Latin. In addi- 
tion, these schools taught the fundamentals of Greek 
(cf. [z. 911; 6; 11]). The Jesuits required Greek in order 
to understand Biblical texts and documents of church 
history, as well as to keep pace with the Protestants, 
who had excellent training in Greek. By and large, 
Greek, which was considered an ‘oriental’ language, 
was taught relatively infrequently from the end of the 
1 6th until the 19th century, even at the university level, 
a fact lamented by the Classical scholar Scipione Maffei 
(Parere sul migliore ordinamento della R. Universita di 
Torino, 1718), among others. Latin, in contrast, was 
always a main subject in the schools, for example in the 
Savoyan Piedmont, where the schools were reorganized 
by Vittorio Amedeo II through the Costituzioni that 
were passed in 17Z9, as well as during the Napoleonic 
occupation; Vittorio Amedeo II had taken charge of 
organizing the school system and teacher training even 
before the Jesuits were banned (1773). 

The legge Casati (1859) introduced the first school 
system in a united Italy and took as its models not only 
reforms that had already been made in the Savoy king- 
dom (such as the legge Boncompagni of 1848), but also, 
in particular, the Prussian system. This resulted in the 
humanist liceo classico, which was divided into the five- 
year ginnasio and the three-year liceo (a distinction that 
is echoed today in the anachronistic terms ‘fourth and 
fifth forms’ of the ginnasio used for the first two years of 
the liceo classico). According to the legge Casati- which, 
to be sure, witnessed regular curriculum amendments 
up to the year 19Z3 - Greek was taught beginning with 
the third form of the ginnasio. Latin lessons, which 
were allotted more than three times as many hours as 
Greek, accounted for about one fourth of all class time 
in the ginnasio, but this amount was drastically reduced 
in the liceo, where the natural sciences were given pref- 
erence. Overall, between i860 and 19Z3, Latin and 
Greek were assigned about 50 hours per week in the 
ginnasio, and in the liceo about Z5, out of a total of 179 
hours each week (precise figures: [1. 95]). Rhetorical 
use of Latin continued to be important; a great deal of 
time was devoted to practising writing essays in Latin. It 


1 2.3 

was not until 1867 that uniform curricula were estab- 
lished by law. The curricula regarded the study of Latin 
and Greek as preparation for reading texts considered 
exemplary for a sense ‘of the aesthetic and art’. The 
authors read in the ginnasio included Cornelius Nepos, 
Phaedrus, Caesar ( De bello Gallico), Ovid (Fasti), 
Cicero (Briefe), Virgil (several books of the Aeneid), 
Livy (excerpts) and Sallust (De coniuratione Catilinae 
or De bello Iugurthino). In the liceo, pupils read Taci- 
tus’s Historiae, Cicero’s rhetorical and philosophical 
works, Horace, Virgil’s Georgica and portions of Quin- 
tilian’s Institutio oratoria. Readings in Greek classes 
included not only Xenophon, the author par excellence 
for the ginnasio, but also Homer and the orators. The 
German model was followed also in selecting text- 
books. The standard textbook for Greek was Georg 
Curtius’s grammar, namely, Giuseppe Muller’s trans- 
lation that was published by Hermann Loescher, the 
first Italian publisher specializing in Latin and Greek 
textbooks. This translation was preferred especially by 
those who advocated a ‘logical’, ‘algebraic’ and ‘lin- 
guistic’ approach to Greek. Sometimes, however, 
Raphael Kiihner’s ‘empirically’ based grammar was 
used as well (both of these served as a foundation for 
Karl Schenkl’s widely-used grammar as well as his ex- 
ercise book, translated in 1868). Kiihner’s grammar 
was used in teaching Latin. The Greek and Latin 
authors were regarded as the foundation of knowledge, 
while the Classical languages, owing to the ‘memory 
training’ required in order to learn them, were seen as 
the ‘key’ to every other subject, including the natural 
sciences. This view was the subject of later criticism of 
instruction in the Classics, and particularly of Latin 
instruction (the study of which, according to the Italian 
anthropologist Cesare Lombroso, 1893, supposedly 
weakened the nervous system). 

The discussion of the Italian school system following 
the unification of Italy was, then, oriented toward Ger- 
many and France. The time had passed when school 
instruction was solely in the hands of the Church. All 
the same, the influence of the clergy remained crucial 
among the people and in the political arena, and any 
attempt at reform was subject to criticism and tension 
emanating from Church circles. Opinion polls were 
taken in preparation for planning school reform. The 
poll initiated by Minister of Education Antonio Scialoia 
(1872) [10] provides a good picture of the polemics of 
that time with respect to the teaching of Latin and 
Greek. Latin was rejected not only in favour of more 
practically oriented subjects, but also because the con- 
tent of the Latin texts was regarded as ‘immoral’ and as 
practically inciting attempts to overthrow the govern- 
ment. Greek was naturally met with resistance by the 
utilitarians, but also by the ‘humanists’, who rejected 
philological Classical studies that were focused on the 
languages. Even among the clergy there were no teach- 
ers trained to teach Greek. Accordingly, many at the 
end of the 19th cent, advocated doing away with the 
teaching of Greek in the liceo [12. 43off.]; in 1904, a 


legislative decree permitted a choice between Greek and 
mathematics in the second year of the liceo. 

The ‘philologists’, in particular the Turin group in 
the Rivista di filologia e d’istruzione classica, founded 
in 1872, launched a campaign to save Greek, causing 
them to be accused of Germanophilia (for more on the 
other side of this attitude: [12]). The voice of the Societa 
italiana per la diffusione e I’insegnamento degli studi 
classici was the magazine Atene e Roma (today the pe- 
riodical of the Associazione italiana di cultura classica), 
which was founded in 1898 and published in Florence. 
On the opposing side were those who rejected philo- 
logical studies in favour of the rhetorical and artistic use 
of the Classical texts, such as the school periodical II 
Baretti. The Civilta cattolica was untiring in its advo- 
cacy of Latin studies that were neither historical nor 
linguistic, but rhetorical in nature, which represented 
one of the strengths of the parochial schools. On the 
other side, the extreme position of the philologists led to 
viewpoints that were utterly opposed to the idea of dis- 
seminating scientific advances in the schools: adopting 
the German model for the organization of Classical 
studies encouraged scientific research, but it also led to 
a stark division between academic and university work, 
on the one hand, and the teaching of Latin and Greek in 
the secondary schools, on the other. 

B. 20TH Cent. 

The task of the liceo classico in a united Italy was to 
educate the ruling classes (and in many respects that 
remains true today). The difficult and ‘unnecessary’ 
study of the Classical languages and philosophy served 
as a means of social discrimination. Latin and Greek 
teachers, for example, received a higher salary. The 
reform project initiated by Gaetano Salveminis (1908; 
with the help of Alfredo Galletti) supported elite 
schools, particularly for the Classical subjects. Gio- 
vanni Gentile’s reform (1923) also saw the liceo classico 
as having central importance as the aristocratic school 
that offered access to all university departments, which 
held true until 1970. Although numerous changes have 
been made in some areas, this reform continues to be a 
heavy burden on the Italian school system, because the 
structure of the liceo classico remains unchanged: the 
natural sciences and modern foreign languages are sub- 
stantially underrepresented; during the first two years 
all of Greek and Latin morphology and syntax are cov- 
ered (about 10 hours per week), and all ‘humanistic’ 
subjects are taught by the same teacher. The last three 
years, in which extensive excerpts from the Classics are 
read, are devoted to the whole of literary history. With 
the reform of 1923, the liceo scientifico was introduced, 
which had a natural science orientation and served to 
train qualified technicians; Greek was not part of the 
curriculum. Another new school type was the istituto 
magistrate (previously: scuola normale) for training pri- 
mary-school teachers, which included Latin in its cur- 
ricula for all four years; it replaced more practically- 
oriented subjects such as agronomy, needlework and 


IZ 5 

handwriting. Finally, a state examination which in- 
cluded tests in translating from Latin and Greek was 
introduced as part of the final qualifying examination 
taken upon completion of the liceo. In line with the 
ideological exaggeration of the importance of Latin by 
the fascist regime, the Minister of Education Giuseppe 
Bottai made Latin the basic subject in his reform of the 
‘unified’ middle school (scuola media ‘unica’ ). Until 
1962, when the three-year obligatory scuola media 
unica was introduced, this scuola media provided 
access to higher education. While Latin was optional in 
the last year of the scuola media until 1977, it was elimi- 
nated altogether at that time, following numerous fierce 
debates. As in the 19th cent., -* courses of Instruc- 
tion were not drawn up until long after structural 
reforms had been agreed upon; it was not until 1944 
that curricula for the secondary schools were in place. 
In 1967 they were examined (the Latin curricula used 
today in the liceo scientifico and the istituto magistrate 
are front that year) and in 1978 they were revised for the 
ginnasio and in 1980 for the liceo classico, after Latin 
and Greek had begun simultaneously in the first year of 
the liceo. A comprehensive reform to standardize the 
curricula is underway. During the last few years, there 
has been growing interest in the didactics of the Clas- 
sical languages, also at the university level, while the 
final examinations to gain certification to teach at the 
ginnasio (1993) still require, anachronistically, trans- 
lation from Greek into Latin. 

-> Italy;-* Schools 

1 G. Bonetta, G. Fioravanti, L’istruzione classica 
(1860-1910), 1995 2 G. P. Brizzi, Strategie educative e 
istituzioni scolastiche nella Controriforma, in: A. Asor 
Rosa (ed.), Letteratura Italiana, Vol. 1: II letterato e le 
istituzioni, 1982, 899-920 (with bibliography) 3 M. L. 
Chirico, La fondazione della rivista ‘Atene e Roma’ e la 
filologia classica italiana, in: M. Capasso et al. (eds.), 
Momenti della storia degli studi classici fra Ottocento e 
Novecento, 1987, 87-104 4 V. Citti (ed.), Discipline 

classiche e nuova secondaria. Vol. I: Aspetti generali, 1986 
5 A. Curione, Sullo studio del greco in Italia nei secoli 
XVII e XVIII, 1941 6 A. La Penna, Universita ed istru- 
zione pubblica, in: Storia d’ltalia, V. 2 , 1973, 670-765 
7 D. Lassandro, Sull’insegnamento del latino, in: E. 
Bosna, G. Genovesi (eds.), L’istruzione secondaria supe- 
riore in Italia da Casati ai giorni nostri. Atti del IV Con- 
vegno Nazionale, 1988, 289-298 8 M. Raicich, II pro- 
fessore nella scuola italiana, in: Belfagor 15, i960, 614- 
622 9 Id., Gli studi classici nell’ Ottocento, in: Belfagor 
19, 1964, 229-234 10 Id., Le polemiche sugli studi clas- 
sici e l’inchiesta Scialoia, in: Belfagor 18, 1963, 257-268 
und 534-551 (Repr.: Scuola cultura e politica da De Sanc- 
tis a Gentile, 1981) 1 1 G. Ricuperati, Universita e scuola 
in Italia, in: A. Asor Rosa (ed.), Letteratura italiana, I: II 
letterato e le istituzioni, 1982, 983-1007 (with bibliogra- 
phy) 12 S. Timpanaro, II primo cinquantennio della 
Rivista di filologia e d’istruzione classica, in: RFIC 100, 
1972, 387-441. sotera fornaro 


IV. France 

see -> France 


see -> United States of America 

Ancient Near Eastern Philology and History ( Assyri- 

A. Name and definition B. Origins and 
Beginnings C. End of the 19TH Cent. D. The 
1920s and 1930s E. Since the End of World 
War II F. Structures and Institutions of the 
Discipline G. Ancient Near Eastern Philol- 
ogy and History in the Context of its Cul- 
tural and Political Environment 
H. Perspectives for the Future 

A. Name and definition 

Ancient Near Eastern Philology and History 
(ANEPH) is part of Ancient Near Eastern Studies, 
which includes the archaeology of the ancient Near East 
as well as philology and history. The term ‘ancient Near 
Eastern’, in the context of Western European and 
American scholarship, refers to the geographical area of 
the Near East and its pre-Christian or pre-Islamic civi- 
lizations in the territory of present-day Turkey, Syria, 
Lebanon, Israel, Jordan, Iraq, the Arabian peninsula 
and Iran. As understood by Eastern European scholars, 
the term ancient Near Eastern includes all ancient ad- 
vanced civilizations between the Mediterranean and the 
China Sea. Originally, and to some degree even today, 
the discipline has borne the traditional name Assyriol- 
ogy, since it was inscriptions from ancient Assyria that 
marked the beginning of research on the culture of an- 
cient Mesopotamia. In comparison with that term the 
designation Ancient Near Eastern Studies proved to be 
increasingly appropriate the more ancient Near Eastern 
civilizations became known. The enormous increase in 
inscriptions and archaeological material over the years 
led to the development of two sub-disciplines: Ancient 
Near Eastern Philology and -> Near Eastern archae- 
ology, which, however, remain linked by a shared goal 
- which is to reconstruct an ancient advanced civiliza- 
tion on the basis of written and material evidence. In 
that regard, ANEPH, as a historical and cultural disci- 
pline, is very closely associated with Near Eastern Ar- 
chaeology and unthinkable without the contributions 
of that discipline. The work of the latter, in turn, can 
only be successful by taking into consideration the find- 
ings of philology, when dealing with epochs that can be 
studied through written sources. 

ANEPH concerns itself with the languages, history 
and civilizations of the Ancient Near East. Their written 
relics can be understood primarily through the medium 
of Akkadian (Assyrian-Babylonian) and Sumerian cu- 
neiform script; through Hittite and other ancient Ana- 
tolian languages passed down in cuneiform writings 
(Hattie, Luwian, Palaic); and through (hieroglyphic) 
Luwian, familiar from numerous hieroglyphic texts. 


ANEPH cultivates close ties to the historical and Near 
Eastern disciplines that address the languages and civi- 
lizations of the ancient Near East whose written expres- 
sions are extant in non-cuneiform alphabetic writings. 
These include -> Semitic Studies, insofar as they deal 
with Ugaritic, Phoenician, Aramaic and other Western 
Semitic languages, Old South Arabian and aspects of 
comparative linguistics; furthermore -» Iranian 
Studies and Ancient History insofar as they focus on the 
reign of the Achaemenids, Arsacids (Parthians) and 
Sasanids. There are close links between Anatolian 
Studies, which deals with the oldest known Indo-Euro- 
pean languages, and Indo-Germanic Studies, which fo- 
cuses, among other things, on the ancient Anatolian 
languages of the ist millenium (for example Lydian, 
Lycian, Phrygian). 

B. Origins and Beginnings 

Soon after the-> decipherment of Old Persian, Ela- 
mite and Akkadian cuneiform script during the ist half 
of the 19th cent, some of this work occurring at the 
same time as extensive English and French excavations 
were being carried out in the palaces of the Assyrian 
capitals of Kalu (Nimrud), Dur-Sarru-ukin and Nine- 
veh, inscriptions found there on orthostats were pub- 
lished, as were texts from the library of the Assyrian 
king Ashurbanipal that was discovered in Nineveh (E. 
Botta, Monument de Ninive (= Dur-Sarru-ukln), 1849; 
A.H. Layard, Inscriptions in the Cuneiform Character 
from Assyrian Monuments, 1851; H.C. Rawlinson, E. 
Norris, Th. Pinches, The Cuneiform Inscriptions of 
Western Asia, 5 volumes 1861-1880). Having become 
accessible, these texts made it possible to undertake a 
comprehensive study of ancient Mesopotamia that 
went beyond merely deciphering the language. 

Public interest in the artistic and written relics of 
ancient Mesopotamia arose from a variety of motives: 
for one, attempts by European powers to gain political 
and economic influence in the Ottoman Empire had the 
side effect of leading to an occupation - initially pur- 
sued by amateurs - with the relics of the civilization of 
ancient Mesopotamia. Second, a certain competitive- 
ness arose among the major countries of that time in 
seeking to acquire important works of art for their 
museums. A related factor, at the end of the 19th cent., 
was the decision by the political and intellectual elite of 
Germany, and in particular Prussia, to conduct exca- 
vations of their own in Mesopotamia, and likewise to 
display ancient Near Eastern antiquities in the muse- 
ums of Berlin, as such materials were displayed in the 
-> Louvre and the British Museum. The public exhi- 
bitions there of reliefs from the palaces of the Assyrian 
rulers now introduced to an educated public another 
pre-classical advanced civilization, in addition to an- 
cient Egypt, with works of art of an impressive appeal. 
Third, the development of the discipline must be viewed 
against the backdrop of a general contemporary inter- 
est in foreign civilizations that encompassed the ethnog- 
raphy of the non-European world as well as the history 


of antiquity. In this context, the Near East assumed a 
significant position in a universally-oriented historiog- 
raphy, when it involved the investigation of the begin- 
nings of history. Finally, the theological discussion in 
Europe-and the United States [7; ii| concerning the 
Old Testament as a historical source and its accuracy, 
played a significant role insofar as certain inscriptions 
from Assyrian rulers shed light on Old Testament 
reports of contacts and conflicts involving the nations 
of Judah and Israel. Thus, it was a sensation in 1874 
when George Smith, curator at the British Museum in 
London, published an extensive fragment of the Epic of 
Gilgamesh, which was discovered among the clay 
tablets in the library of Ashurbanipal, and which con- 
tained the story of a ‘flood’ that shows astonishing par- 
allels to the story of the Flood in the Old Testament 
(Gen. 6-8). 

C. End of the 19TH Cent. 

Especially those scholars engaged in historical and 
critical investigation of the Old Testament provided 
crucial impetus for establishing Assyriology as an inde- 
pendent academic discipline. The articles by the Old 
Testament scholar Eberhard Schrader were of land- 
mark importance: Die Basis der Entzifferung der baby- 
lonisch-assyrischen Keilinschriften gepriift (ZDMG 23, 
1869, 337-374) and Die assyrisch-babyloniscben Keil- 
schriften. Kritische Untersuchungen der Grundlagen 
ihrer Entzifferung (ZDMG 26, 1872,1-392) as well as 
his monograph Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testat- 
ment (1872, 3 i903>. Not least because of these works, 
Schrader was appointed in 1875 to the first professorial 
chair for Assyriology, which was created for him in 
Berlin at the initiative of the Royal Prussian Academy of 

For a long time, the new discipline was met with 
considerable scepticism. Objections were raised, for ex- 
ample, to what were regarded as careless philological 
methods; this was warranted given that the discipline 
was still in its beginning stages. Not justified in its abso- 
luteness was the criticism of numerous errors in the 
reading of place names and personal names due to the 
multiple meanings of the cuneiform script. Above all, it 
is thanks to Friedrich Delitzsch that a change occurred 
in this regard. His roots were in Indo-Germanic Studies, 
a discipline noted for its methodological stringency; he 
wrote his Habilitation thesis in 1 874 in Leipzig, the first 
to do so in the field of Assyriology, and immediately 
thereafter received a position at that university as an 
associate professor ( aufSerordentlich ). In a methodical- 
ly convincing manner, Delitzsch laid the groundwork 
for the discipline in terms of grammar (Assyrische 
Grammatik, 1889) and lexicon ( Assyrisches Handwor- 
terbuch, 1896) and thus established Assyriology as a 
recognized academic discipline in the canon of the other 
Near Eastern subjects. His reputation as an outstanding 
scholar drew students from many countries, who sub- 
sequently established an Assyriological tradition in 
their own countries. Assyriology was shaped by 


Delitzsch’s many students in the United States in par- 
ticular. Paul Haupt founded Ancient Near Eastern 
studies in Baltimore; his student W. Muss-Arnoldt com- 
piled the first English-language dictionary of Akkadian, 
which far exceeded Delitzsch’s in its scope. 

In the 1 8 80s it was above all the French excavations 
(L. Heuzy, E. de Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee, 1884- 
1912) in southern Iraq that revealed numerous monu- 
mental inscriptions from rulers of the city-state of 
Lagash dating from the 25th to the 22nd cents. BC as 
well as thousands of administrative documents. They 
were written in Sumerian, a language whose study had 
only just begun at that time. This meant that ANEPH, 
whose horizon had initially been limited to the Assyrian 
and Babylonian history of the 1st millennium, was ex- 
panded to a substantial degree chronologically, geo- 
graphically and linguistically, since the newly discov- 
ered texts came from the second half of the 3rd millen- 
nium. Previous research on the Sumerian language, 
which had at first been regarded by many researchers 
not as an independent language, but as a cryptographic 
rendition of Assyrian-Babylonian, was based in large 
part on bilingual Sumerian-Akkadian texts from the 1st 
millennium. Of fundamental importance were the 
works of the French scholars F. de Lenormant and J. 
Oppert, as well as of A.H. Sayce in England, who rec- 
ognized the essential grammatical principle of Sume- 
rian - an agglutinative language that up to today no one 
has been able to assign to one of the known language 
families [13]. Building on this, in 1907 the French schol- 
ar of Ancient Near Eastern Studies F. Thureau-Dangin 
published his masterly translation of the Gudea of 
Lagash (22nd cent. BC), which - apart from certain 
details - has not been surpassed even today. When 
Delitzsch subsequently published his Grundziige der 
Sumerischen Grammatik (1914) and his Sumerisches 
Glossar (1914), the first stage of research on the Sume- 
rian language had come to an end. 

As the 19th cent, gave way to the 20th, ANEPH re- 
ceived enormous impetus from numerous excavations 
in Iraq; of these, particular mention should be made of 
the American excavations in Nippur conducted by H.V. 
Hilprecht and those carried out by the -> Deutsche 
Orient-Gesellschaft in -»■ Babylon and in Ashur by 
R. Koldewey and W. Andrae, among others. An impor- 
tant role was played at that time by the British Museum, 
where Assyriological research was carried out with 
great foresight in its organization. One example is the 
Catalogue of the Kujundjik Collection of the British 
Museum (1889-1896) published by Carl Bezold, which 
still today remains indispensable. It deciphers the schol- 
arly records of ancient Mesopotamia (largely in Akka- 
dian as well as in bilingual Sumerian-Akkadian texts) 
collected in the library of Ashurbanipal. In particular, it 
enabled scholars to fit together texts that had been 
unearthed as fragments - which was generally the case 
for the text records from Mesopotamia - and to identify 
duplicates. It is often necessary to have several dozen 
partially overlapping duplicates in order to reconstruct 


a text completely. The major museums in London, Paris 
and Berlin began to publish their extensive holdings of 
clay tablets ( Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets 
in the British Museum, i869ff.; Textes cuneiformes du 
Louvre, i9ioff.; Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmdler der 
Koniglichen Museen zu Berlin, 1907-1917). The same 
was true of the important American collections, which 
had acquired thousands of cuneiform texts in the antiq- 
uities market: for example Yale Oriental Series, Babylo- 
nian texts (i9ijff.); University of Pennsylvania 
Museum: Publications of the Babylonian Section 
(1911-1930); Babylonian Expedition of the University 
of Pennsylvania (1893-1914). Thus researchers had an 
extensive body of material available for most of the 
periods of Mesopotamian history and linguistic devel- 
opment. As excavations, text publications and the edi- 
ting and translation of important texts significantly in- 
creased knowledge of the history and culture of Baby- 
lonia and Assyria, the relationship of Assyriology/ 
ANEPH to Old Testament studies was also affected. 
Triggered by lectures given by Delitzsch, this led in Ger- 
many to the so-called Babel-Bible controversy 
(-► Babylon, E, 4). 

Of particular significance was the discovery of the 
Hammurabi Stele, found in the course of the French 
excavations at Susa ( 1902) - containing the text of what 
remains today the most comprehensive code of laws 
from preclassical Antiquity - by the French scholar V. 
Scheil, who also made a great contribution by publish- 
ing an impressive number of texts. The Stele text - writ- 
ten in the Old Babylonian dialect Akkadian - opened up 
new dimensions in the study of Akkadian grammar. 
Moreover, this find led to the development of an inde- 
pendent branch of ANEPH, Ancient Near Eastern 
Legal History. This discipline was shaped by the promi- 
nent legal historians Josef Kohler, Paul Koschaker, 
Mariano San Nicolo and Sir John Miles. For a long 
time, Ancient Near Eastern Legal History could claim 
to be on an equal methodological footing with its 
parent discipline, Roman Legal History. Otherwise, 
this holds true only for the research on Babylonian 
-> mathematics and mathematical astronomy con- 
ducted by Otto Neugebauer. Studies of the literature 
and religion of ancient Mesopotamia have gradually 
been linked with the respective parent disciplines, as the 
appropriate methodological approaches are being 

D. The 1920s and 1930s 

With his Grundziige der sumerischen Grammatik 
(1923) and the morphological analysis formulated in it, 
which remains essentially valid today, Arno Poebel laid 
the foundation for further research into the Sumerian 
language. A. Deimel, who worked at the Pontificio Isti- 
tuto Biblico in Rome, made a landmark contribution 
when he published administrative documents from the 
24th cent. BC in their original archival context, and on 
that basis, for the first time, depicted systematically the 
administrative and economic structures of an early 


1 3 2 . 


Mesopotamian city-state (beginning in 1920). His 
Sumerisches Lexikon (1928-1933), organized by cu- 
neiform signs, remains an indispensable lexical aid for 
Sumerology, despite the obvious shortcomings in it that 
have since become evident. The English scholar Stephen 
Langdon contributed in a variety of ways to our knowl- 
edge of Sumerian through the publication of numerous 
texts and studies. 

A new branch of ANEPH began to emerge in 1915, 
when the Czech orientalist Bedrich Hrozny recognized 
as Indo-European the language on the clay tablets that 
had been discovered by August Winckler in 1907 at the 
Anatolian site of Boghazkoy, and thus laid the foun- 
dation for the new cuneiform discipline of -> Hittite 
Studies. In the United States, the Egyptologist James 
Henry Breasted, Director of the Oriental Institute in 
Chicago, launched the Chicago Assyrian Dictionary 
project in 1922. Following the model of the Egyptian 
dictionary that had been started under the leadership of 
A. Erman and under the patronage of the Royal Prus- 
sian Academy of Sciences in Berlin, Breasted planned to 
compile a thesaurus of the Assyrian-Babylonian lan- 
guage. Scholars from all over the world were recruited 
to go through and translate entire groups of texts, some 
of them as yet unpublished, as a basis for cataloging the 
language’s vocabulary. The goal of Bruno Meissner, 
Professor of Assyriology in Berlin, was a more modest 
one; with the support of the Prussian Academy of Sci- 
ences, after extensive preliminary work, he sought in 
1930 to compile a concise dictionary of Assyrian-Baby- 
lonian. It was not until after World War II that both 
dictionary projects were successfully continued. C. Be- 
zold had sought to meet the need for a dictionary. His 
Baby Ionian- Assyrian Glossary (without references) 
was published posthumously in 1926 by his student A. 

In the 1920s, the young scholar Benno Landsberger 
(1890-1968), who was teaching in Leipzig, provided, 
with his fundamental grammatical and heuristic 
insights, a valuable impetus for ANEPH that continues 
today. Particularly groundbreaking was his work enti- 
tled Die Eigenbegrifflichkeit der babyloniscben Welt. 
(1926, repr. 1965). In it, Landsberger put an end to 
so-called Pan-Babylonianism, while at the same time 
calling into question the sometimes rash application of 
Old Testament concepts to the religious phenomena of 
Mesopotamia. He showed how to gain insight in a 
methodologically rigorous manner into the ways of 
thinking and the values that were specific to Meso- 
potamian culture. In this way, he anticipated the later 
discussion of group-specific and scientific concepts that 
was to become well known under the terms ‘emic’ and 
‘etic’ in the fields of linguistics and social anthropology. 
His findings in the sphere of grammar were further 
developed by his students in later years, and became a 
fundamental part of the discipline. 

Hitler’s dictatorship led to the exodus of numerous 
scholars from Germany and Austria - among them 
scholars in the field of Ancient Near Eastern Studies 

such as Benno Landsberger, Julius and Hildegard Lewy, 
Otto Neugebauer, Hans-Gustav Guterbock, Fritz 
Rudolf Kraus, Leo Oppenheim, Ernst Herzfeld and 
Albrecht Goetze. As modern universities were being es- 
tablished under the leadership of Kemal Ataturk, 
Landsberger, Guterbock and Kraus founded the field of 
ANEPH in Turkey. Oppenheim, Goetze, the Lewys, 
Neugebauer and Herzfeld found a new home in the 
United States and had a profound effect on APG in that 

E. Since the End of World War II 

After the war, Landsberger, Guterbock and Oppen- 
heim were called to the Oriental Institute of the Univer- 
sity of Chicago and, together with I. J. Gelb and T. 
Jacobsen, they guided the decisive phase of the Chicago 
Assyrian Dictionary (CAD) project. The original plan 
to compile a thesaurus had been abandoned, since the 
publication of the myriad unpublished texts in muse- 
ums and private collections, as well as the new texts that 
were constantly being added from of the numerous 
excavations in Iraq and Syria, would only have been 
possible to achieve with the help of generations of re- 
searchers. Therefore, it was decided that work should 
proceed on the basis of the text material that was al- 
ready accessible. In 1956 the first volume appeared and 
in July 2005 a conference was held at the Oriental Insti- 
tute to celebrate the completion of the CAD project. 
According to its long-term publisher, Leo Oppenheim, 
the CAD is not intended to be just a dictionary, but a 
compendium that depicts the culture of Mesopotamia 
through the concepts that are inherent in its language. 
This is accomplished, for example, by citing the entire 
context of a given word, which permits the user a direct 
critique of its interpretation. The CAD continued the 
tradition of international cooperation, even after the 
actual writing process had begun: many young as well 
as older scholars from all over the world were recruited 
to work on this project. In contrast, Wolfram von 
Soden’s three-volume Akkadisches Handworterbuch, 
which was compiled - based on Meissner’s preliminary 
work - between 1954 and 1981, was largely one man’s 
accomplishment. Conceived as a concise dictionary, it 
attaches particular importance to the etymological 
equivalents of the other Semitic languages and to the 
grammatical (morphological and syntactical) charac- 
teristics of individual words, which makes it a valuable 
supplement to the CAD. Thus the study of Akkadian 
has at its disposal modern lexicographic aids that are 
comparable to those used in studying the classical lan- 
guages. In addition to the dictionary, von Soden con- 
tributed to ANEPH an Akkadian Syllabary (1948), the 
basis for a well-founded interpretation of the various 
meanings of the signs of cuneiform script, and above all 
the descriptive Grundriss der Akkadischen Grammatik 
(1952), which remains the standard today. Modern lin- 
guistic theory forms the foundation of the grammatical 
presentations of Erica Reiner (A Linguistic Analysis of 
Akkadian, 1966), I. J. Gelb (A Sequential Reconstruc- 



tion of Akkadian, 1969) and G. Buccellati (A Structural 
Grammar of Akkadian, 1996). 

Research on the Sumerian language after 1945 was 
shaped by the work of Adam Falkenstein (1906-1966), 
Thorkild Jacobsen (1904-1993) and Samuel Noah 
Kramer (1897-1990). Falkenstein’s Grammatik der 
Sprache des Gudea von Lagasch (1949/50), important 
aspects of which are based on Poebel (see above), intro- 
duced a new era of research into Sumerian grammar. 
Since then, a sometimes controversial discussion of the 
grammatical structure of Sumerian has followed, which 
has led, among other things, to important new discov- 
eries regarding the Sumerian verb system. While previ- 
ously the grammar had been based for the most part on 
bilingual Sumerian-Akkadian texts (known to scholars 
from copies dating from the 1st millennium) and bilin- 
gual grammatical lists, Falkenstein based his analysis 
on a monolingual Sumerian text corpus of high literary 
quality. The advantage of using this text corpus was 
that its formation could be limited to a time span of 
some 20 years, and that it had not been subsequently 
‘modernized’ as it was handed down. Kramer’s lasting 
contribution lies in the publication of Sumerian myths, 
epics and cubic songs in autographic and philological 
editions. Together with the help of numerous disserta- 
tions instigated by him, the most important compo- 
nents of the Sumerian literary tradition were made ac- 
cessible. Lexicographic research on Sumerian is based 
to a substantial degree on the series edited by B. Lands- 
berger and M. Civil entitled Materials for the Sumerian 
Lexicon (17 volumes since 1938), which contains bilin- 
gual Sumerian-Akkadian vocabularies and lists of 
objects organized by subject groups. The compilation 
of a Sumerian dictionary based on the CAD model has 
been under way since 1984 at the University of Penn- 
sylvania (PSD) under the leadership of A. Sjoberg and 
continued by Steve Tinney. In recent years, the project’s 
focus has shifted more toward a digital existence. PSD 
has issued a web-release of its second Beta of the ePSD 
in 2005 and expects to have a Web, CD and print-re- 
lease of a first full version of the PSD in 2006. 

F. Structures and Institutions of the Dis- 

Since the 1950s, ANEPH has been established as a 
new discipline in many countries beyond the group of 
North American and Western European countries that 
were prominent in the past (for example, in China, Iraq, 
Israel, Japan, Spain, Syria) or has launched a new begin- 
ning, as in the former Soviet Union (in that country, the 
entire field of Near Eastern Studies in Leningrad fell 
victim to the Stalinist ‘purges’ following Kirov’s murder 
in 1934), Poland, Hungary and the former Czechoslo- 
vakia. In Iraq, Israel, Syria and Turkey, an important 
motivation for addressing the cultures of the Ancient 
Near East arose from interest in those countries’ own 
history and the search for a national identity. 

Since the beginning of the 20th cent., ANEPH has 
been repeatedly enriched by surprising text discoveries. 


These discoveries have not only deepened our under- 
standing of Babylonian civilization, but above all they 
have substantially increased our knowledge of the cul- 
ture and history of northern Mesopotamia and Syria 
(among others, Alalah, Ebla, Emar, Kanes, Mari, Nuzi, 
Ugarit). Research has turned to the Syrian region be- 
cause of the favorable working conditions found there, 
but also because of the political situation in Iraq. The 
enormous expansion in the amount of source material, 
not only in terms of regional, but also in its linguistic 
variety, chronological dimension (3200 - approx. 100 
BC) and content (e.g., literary and religious texts, ad- 
ministrative and legal documents, letters), has led to 
increased specialization within the field of ANEPH: in 
the sub-disciplines of Sumerology, Akkadian studies 
and Hittite Studies, interest is emerging to varying de- 
grees in certain language and historical periods and in 
certain content areas (among others, economic and 
social history, literary traditions, medical, mathemati- 
cal and astronomical texts). While the situation varies 
from country to country, as a result of these develop- 
ments there are now two professorships in the field of 
ANEPH at many universities. Unlike the United States, 
France and Italy, where ancient Near Eastern history is 
taught on a large scale within the general history cur- 
riculum, in Germany it has not proved possible so far, 
despite a great deal of effort, to integrate the non-Euro- 
pean history of Asia and Africa into the academic train- 
ing offered to historians, although it is an integral part 
of the secondary-school curriculum. In Western Europe 
and North America, many new professorships in 
ANEPH were established as the universities were ex- 
panded in the 1970s; however, since the mid-1990s 
these positions again find themselves in jeopardy as a 
wave of ‘consolidation’ is taking place in the tertiary 
educational sphere. 

In some countries, ANEPH has been a subject of 
study not only at the universities, but also at research 
institutions outside of the universities or affiliated with 
them: for example at the Carsten Niebuhr Institute in 
Denmark, the Oriental Institute in Chicago, the Neth- 
erlands’ Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut in het 
Nabije Oosten, Centre National de la Recherche Scien- 
tifique (CNRS) in France, Consiglio Nazionale delle 
Ricerche (CNR) in Italy, Consejo Superior de Investi- 
gaciones Cientificas (CSIC) in Spain, at the major 
museums in Philadelphia, Paris, London and Berlin, 
and the Academies of Sciences in the former Soviet Un- 
ion or Russia, the former Czechoslovakia or the Czech 
Republic, and the former East Germany. In countries 
with no national research centers, research projects at 
the universities are financially supported by the relevant 
national organizations for promoting research (among 
others, the National Endowment for the Humanities in 
the United States, the Netherlands’ Organization for 
Pure Research, the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft). 

An important part in the extensive scholarly co- 
operation that occurs within the sphere of ANEPH is 
contributed by the annual Rencontre Assyriologique 




Internationale, which was established by French and 
Belgian Assyriologists in 1948. Since scholars in An- 
cient Near Eastern Studies in the socialist countries 
were long subject to travel restrictions, they began in 
r974 to hold conferences at irregular intervals under 
the name ‘Sulmu’ (peace), with active participation by 
researchers from Western Europe and the United States. 

G. Ancient Near Eastern Philology and 

History in the Context of its Cultural 

and Political Environment 

In addition to discussing heuristic and methodolo- 
gical problems, in keeping with a general trend in the 
study of history, the discipline of ANEPH itself has be- 
come the subject of investigation and critical reflection 
[iz; 16]. Central themes in this regard include the conc- 
entration on certain research subjects favored by the 
trends of the time, the use of specific methods, as well as 
issues of the discipline’s place and significance in the 
university’s canon and in university education. Looking 
back, it also becomes clear to what degree the circum- 
stances of a given era have affected the discipline’s de- 
velopment and choice of themes. This holds true not 
only for the 19th cent. In later years as well, the disci- 
pline has become entangled in the ideological currents 
of the time. In the Soviet Union, V.V. Struve partici- 
pated in the r930S in formulating the so-called Stalinist 
formation theory (the development front a primitive 
society to communism via a slaveholder society, feudal- 
ism and capitalism). To counter Struve’s one-sided ideo- 
logical positions, I.M. Diakonoff was able to put forth, 
successfully, a well-founded critique, strictly focused on 
the message of the texts, (1967). In so doing, Diakonoff 
helped to shape ancient Near Eastern research in the 
former Soviet Union, East Germany and Czechoslova- 
kia, as well as in Poland and in Hungary. In the winter 
semester of 1933/34, as part of the political education 
of students at the University of Berlin, Bruno Meissner 
lectured on a topic entitled Introduction to the ‘Ethno- 
geny of the Ancient Near East’ [14. 191]. T. Jacobsen’s 
Primitive Democracy (JNES 2, 1943, 149-72) can be 
viewed as a young scholar’s declaration of allegiance to 
the political system of his adopted country, while his 
work The Assumed Conflict between Sumerians and 
Semites in Early Mesopotamian History in the Journal 
of the American Oriental Society (JAOS) 59, 1939, 
4 8 5-9 5 ) is a response to the view - by no means limited 
to Germany - that historical developments can be ex- 
plained by national characteristics or racial differences 


H. Perspectives for the Future 

In view of the fact that new texts are continually 
being discovered, and with more than 150,000 unpub- 
lished texts now found in museums (in particular in the 
British Museum in London, the Archaeological 
Museum in Istanbul and the Iraq Museum in Baghdad), 
ANEPH finds itself in a dilemma: first, the urgent task 
remains to make unpublished material in the form of 

autographies accessible; in addition, there is a pressing 
need to edit the content of known material and to devel- 
op syntheses. In the near term, then, it is important not 
only to continue the editing of the large quantities of 
unpublished texts, but also to come up with newly- 
edited publications of texts that have long been avail- 
able. In the last few decades, exemplary editorial stand- 
ards have been developed for this purpose. This in- 
cluded making hand-drawn copies of and collating the 
texts. In view of the many duplicates of literary texts, 
the reader not only had to be informed of variants, but 
the actual degree of preservation of each text passage 
had to be laid out as well, in the form of a ‘Partitur’ (i.e. 
’textual matrix’ format). In this context, increasing 
attention has been paid to issues of paleography and the 
scribal culture. A large quantity of texts in the rich 
scholarly tradition of ancient Mesopotamia (in particu- 
lar myths, epics, texts of divination and incantation, 
medical, mathematical and astronomical texts) has 
been made accessible not only editorially, but also with 
respect to content. There is an emerging tendency to 
approach the intellectual concepts of Mesopotamian 
civilization and its values and world view in such a way 
that intuition, methodological stringency and under- 
standing of what is specific to that civilization are root- 
ed in strict philological discipline [10]. 

Since the 1960s, problems of social and economic 
history in the ancient Near East have drawn increasing 
attention (I. J.Gelb, Approaches to the Study of Ancient 
Societies, JAOS 87, 1967, 1-8). The groundwork for 
such inquiries was laid by Koschaker, Miles and San 
Nicolo (see above) and their students, who conducted 
numerous investigations in legal history. Research deal- 
ing with this region’s social and economic history curr- 
ently has at its disposal a unique and far richer body of 
source material than is available for other ancient civi- 
lizations, with a present total of around 100,000 pub- 
lished letters and legal and administrative documents. 
However, since they are dispersed among a large 
number of museums and collections - coming, in many 
cases, from illicit excavations - they first have to be put 
back into their original context. In the case of document 
holdings of significance for economic and social history 
research, this is achieved primarily by the use of pro- 
sopographic methods. With the help of archives or dos- 
siers reconstructed in this manner, it is then possible to 
depict the structures and processes of a society and its 
economy. While the texts do not enable us to draw sta- 
tistical conclusions that meet the standards of social 
science, the extant individual texts are of great temporal 
and localdensity; for example, frequently 10,000- 
20,000 texts are spread over a span of only a few dec- 
ades. As sources have been made accessible, an inten- 
sive and sometimes controversial theoretical debate has 
ensued, primarily regarding the question of whether 
modern, neoclassical economic theories are suitable for 
analyzing pre-modern economies. Those who answer in 
the negative base their view on the work of the econom- 
ic historian Karl Polanyi and the ancient historian 
Moses Finley, among others [15]. 




Increasingly, ANEPH is launching interdisciplinary 
research projects dealing with such issues as cultural, 
social, religious, economic and scientific history, or par- 
ticipating in related colloquia or research groups. In so 
doing, it is expanding the spectrum of knowledge that, 
in the past, has often been limited by Western ways of 
thinking. ANEPH enables us to examine and under- 
stand an independent and significant ancient advanced 
civilization, in the light of its own circumstances and 
concepts. Moreover, it is clear that the knowledge and 
achievements of this civilization have remained influen- 
tial up to the present day, through the mediation of the 
Old Testament and the classical Mediterranean world. 
For its part, ANEPH has also gained new perspectives 
for considering its own sources by working together 
with other disciplines (such as sociology, social anthro- 
pology, economic, legal, cultural, medical, mathemati- 
cal, astronomical and religious history, and compara- 
tive literature) and by gaining experience with the 
methods of those disciplines. 

-> Achamenids; -*■ Akkadian; -*■ Ancient Southern Ara- 
bian; -> Aramaic; ->■ Assurbanipal; ->■ Atrahasls; -> Cu- 
neiform script; -> Gilgamesh, Gilgamesh Epic; -> Ham- 
murapi; ->■ Hattie; -> Hattusa; -> Hieroglyphs; ->• Hit- 
tite; ->■ Judah and Israel; ->■ Luwian; ->■ Nineveh; -> Pa- 
laic; -> Parthia; -> Phoenicians, Poeni; ->■ Sassanids; 

-> Sumerian; -> Ugaritic 

-> Iraq Museum Baghdad; -> Berlin II. Vorderasia- 
tisches Museum; -> Egyptology; -*■ London, Brit- 
ish Museum 

1 R. Borger, Altorientalische Lexikographie - 
Geschichte und Probleme, in: Nachrichten der Akad. der 
Wiss. Gottingen, Philos. -Histor. Kl. 2/1984, 71-114 
2 J. S. Cooper, Posing the Sumerian Question: Race and 
Scholarship in the Early History of Assyriology, in: Aula 
Orientalis 9, 1991, 47-66 3 Id., From Mosul to Manila: 
Early Approaches to Funding Ancient Near Eastern Stud. 
Research in the US, in: Culture and History 11, 1992, 
133-164 4 Id., Sumerian and Aryan Racial Theory, Aca- 
demic Politics and Parisian Assyriology, in: RHR 210, 
1993, 169-205 5 Id., G. M. Schwartz (ed.), The Study 
of the Ancient Near East in the Twenty-First Century, 
1996 6 I. J. Gelb, Introduction, in: Chicago Assyrian 

Dictionary Vol. A/r, 1964, VII-XXIII 7 B. Kuklick, 
Puritans in Babylon - The Ancient Near East and Ameri- 
can Intellectual Life 1880-1930, 1996 8 M. T. Larsen, 
Orientalism and Near Eastern Archaeology, in: Domina- 
tion and Resistance, ed. D. Miller et al., 1986, 229-239 
9 Id., The Conquest of Assyria, 1996 10 S. M. Maul, 

Wiedererstehende Welten, in: MDOG 130, 1998, 266- 
274 11 C. W. Meade, Road to Babylon, Development of 
US Assyriology, 1974 12 A. L. Oppenheim, Assyriology - 
Why and How, in: Id., Ancient Mesopotamia, H977, 731 
13 S. A. Pallis, The Antiquity of Iraq, 1956 14 J. Ren- 
Ger, Die Geschichte der Altorientalistik und der Vorder- 
asiatischen Archive in Berlin 1875-1945, in: W. Aren- 
hovel (ed.), Berlin und die Antike, 1979, 151-192 
15 Id., On Economic Structures in Ancient Mesopotamia, 
in: Orientalia 63, 1994, 157208 16 M. W. Stolper, On 
Why and How, in: Culture and History 11, 1992, 13-22 
17 Bibliography of current publications can be found in 
the journals: Archiv fur Orientforschung and Orientalia. 


Andalucia see-> Arabic-Islamic cultural sphere 

Animal Epic 

A. Concept, Origin, Classical Models 

B. History 

A. Concept, Origin, Classical Models 

The animal epic (AE) is an epic work of varying 
length (from several hundred to more than 10, 000 
lines) with animals as the protagonists, who plan, act, 
reflect and speak like human beings. Animals appear as 
well-spoken participants in the myths, stories and other 
literature of a wide range of peoples and cultures, in 
oral tradition as well as in literary works that have come 
down to us in written form. The inclination to reflect 
human activity in narrative form in the world of the 
animals may be seen as an anthropological universal, 
and it manifests itself in literary genres as varied as the 
-> epic, the ->■ fable, didactic writing, Christian 
redemption-allegory in the tradition of the Pbysiologus, 
as well as in the -*■ fairy-tale. These genres have been 
grouped together in modern literary criticism since the 
19th cent, under the heading of ‘animal poetry’, al- 
though in classical and medieval poetics fictional texts 
with animals as protagonists are not classified under an 
individual category, and even the sub-classification of 
AE is unknown. 

The anthropomorphic treatment of animals always 
has an alienating effect, whether the emphasis is upon 
the similarity between animal and human behaviour in 
the didactic parable, or whether it is on the deliberate 
discrepancy for parodistic purposes between an elevat- 
ed style and actions carried out by lower orders. In the 
AE the reduction of the epic hero, who stands out above 
his fellow-humans through his special abilities, to an 
animal fulfils a parodistic or satirical function. Since the 
animal is never fully humanised, and in certain situa- 
tions retains its natural instincts to seize its prey or to 
run away, it is precisely this oscillation on the part of the 
protagonist between its animal and its human nature 
that gives the AE its particular charm [ ij. Both in form 
and content (verse-form, use of epic formulas and epi- 
thets, narrative, use of dialogue, battle-descriptions and 
to an extent cyclic structures, in post-classical times also 
love-themes) the AE, as is so often the case with comic 
genres, feeds upon ‘serious’ or ‘high-level’ models in the 
relevant literature. This is already apparent in the single 
surviving animal-epic from the classical period, the late 
Hellenistic pseudo-Homeric Batrachomyomachia, 
which describes in only around 300 lines of verse the 
battle between the frogs and the mice, using the Iliad as 
a model. Although the Batrachomyomachia was 
unknown in the West during the Middle Ages and had 
no influence on the development of post-classical Latin 
and vernacular AEs, it was used as a school text in 
-> Byzantium, and provided a model for a satirical 
book-drama by Johannes Prodromos, the Katomyo- 
machia (‘War of the Cats and the Mice’, rst. half of the 
r 2th cent.). Not until 1472 was the pseudo-Homeric 



epic parody translated into Latin by the Italian human- 
ist C. Marsuppini, and it became known in Western 
European literature from the 16th century on. In spite 
of the assumption made by J. Grimm, it is impossible to 
determine a straightforward genealogy which would 
lead from the oral tradition of the ‘animal legend’ 
(which is practically impossible to reconstruct) directly 
to the medieval AE [5. 12-23]. An important classical 
precedent for the development of the AE in the Middle 
Ages in Western Europe, however, is the fable; numer- 
ous narrative themes, such as that of the unfairly divid- 
ed booty by the lion, were taken over into the AE and 
given epic treatment. The AE is a heterogeneous genre, 
for which it is impossible to point to a single source or 
claim a single tradition line of development; multiple 
origins of the genre has to be assumed, given that the 
humanisation of animals is a familiar feature of all 
agrarian societies. Folklore, Christian tradition (Phy- 
siologus, Balaam’s ass in Numbers 22, 28, as the only 
speaking animal in the Bible) and the Latin school tra- 
dition (especially collections of fables, Avianus ) all have 
a combined effect [10. 1-46]. 

B. History 

The history of the AE is a discontinuous one; its most 
important points of development are the formation in 
the High Middle Ages (12th cent.) of large-scale epic 
cycles with named individual protagonists, and the pro- 
ductive use of the classical genre Batrachomyomachia 
as a model, which begins only in the -> Renaissance 
(16th cent.). 

Shorter animal-poems in various metres have sur- 
vived from the early Middle Ages which, like Alcuin’s 
The Cock and the Wolf take up themes from fables, but 
no generic tradition of AE developed [10.129]. The first 
more extensive AE of the Latin Middle Ages is the 
anonymous Ecbasis cuiusdam captivi in 1229 leonine 
hexameters (c. 1043-1046); the author interpolates 
into an autobiographical framework on the distractions 
of his youth the tale of the flight of a calf, which would 
have been devoured by a wolf had the latter not been 
outwitted by the fox. The artistry of the story, with the 
interweaving of various episodes and narrative levels, 
as well as borrowings from Horace, is, however, not 
really an epic, but presumably a monastic Easter enter- 
tainment designed to be performedt with different 
voices for different roles. The first genuine Latin AE is 
the Ysengrimus of Nivardus of Ghent (mid-i2th cent.) 
in elegiac distichs. The otherwise unknown author inte- 
grates the individual comic episodes with different ad- 
ventures of the wolf by way of flashbacks, to make it an 
epic whole, which ends with the protagonist torn apart 
by a herd of swine. Nivardus individualises the animals 
for the first time by providing names. The wolf, a de- 
ceiver deceived, falls prey, as a caricature of a monastic 
bishop, to Fortuna [7]; the cunning of the fox is devel- 
oped in carefully worked-out rhetorical dialogues and 
inner monologues, which show the contradiction of 
thought and word. 


Around 1170 there emerged the first episodes (Fr. 
branches) of the Old French Roman de Renart in 
rhymed octosyllabic couplets, the metre of the courtly 
romance. The Old French AE shares with the romance 
the description of a feudal world under the rule of King 
Noble. Even the parodistic reversal of courtly love in a 
crude rape-scene (Renart the fox woos the she-wolf 
Hersent, only to force himself on her) is to be read 
against the background of the courtly world. The action 
is motivated by the antagonism between the cunning 
fox and the constantly outwitted wolf, and in generic 
terms is characterised as the opposite of heroic poetry 
[5. 219-239J; the entire Renart-cycle of over 30, 000 
lines also shows us, like other ramified large-scale epics, 
the childhood and the death of the hero. Renart con- 
stantly shows himself to be a master of verbal equivo- 
cation, mockery and deceit [8]. Thus the trickster-figure 
of the cunning fox can, in French allegories of the 13 th 
cent. (e.g. Jacquemart Gielee, Renart le Nouvel), be sty- 
lised into the embodiment of evil as such. The Renart- 
material was welcomed into other medieval literatures, 
as for example in the Reinhart Fuchs (late 12th cent.) of 
Heinrich der Glichezare from the Alsace, who warns 
against disloyalty, in the anonymous Middle English 
version The Vox and the Wolf ( second half of the 13th 
cent., see [4. 181-197]), the Flemish Van den Vos 
Reinaerde (first half of the 13th cent.) or the Low 
German AE Reynke de Vos of 1498, which was to serve 
in 1793 as Goethe’s model when he was working on his 
own AE Reineke Fuchs. 

During the Renaissance the Homeric epics, and also 
the pseudo-Homeric Batrochomyomachia became 
once again the focus of literary attention. As early as 
1521 Teofilo Folengo published his burlesque AE 
Moschaea in three books of elegiac distichs, dealing 
with the victorious struggle of the ants against the flies. 
The parodistic mismatch between epic style and trivial 
subject, which is a constitutive feature of the burlesque 
genre, is here augmented in two respects: first through 
the reduction of the heroes to insects, and secondly 
through the ‘macaronic’ mixture of the scholarly lan- 
guage, Latin, and the dialect of Padua. In 1595 in his 
Froschmeuseler the German humanist Georg Rollha- 
gen inflated the classical model into a gigantic didactic 
epic with moral, economic and scientific excursuses. 
Against that, Lope de Vega’s Gatomaquia is more com- 
ic and wittier, written in 1635 in silvas, the favoured 
strophic form of his arch-rival Gongora, who had been 
branded as ‘dark.’ The battle of the juvenile cats is set 
off by their rivalry for the beautiful but flighty lady cat, 
Zapaquila. The introduction of the jealousy-motif is an 
indication that beside the classical epic, the genre of the 
Italian romanzo, which grew out of a mixture of medi- 
eval romance, medieval heroic epic and classical epic, 
most notably Ariosto’s Orlando Furioso, is also being 
parodied. The parodistic AE serves as a foil, therefore, 
to whatever epic genres are available or popular at any 
given time. Against this, the gradual loss of interest in 
the epic and the eventual dominance of the ironic 



-> novel towards the end of the 1 8 th and the beginning 
of the 19th cent, also lead to the disappearance of the 
AE, although it bids farewell from the heights of Euro- 
pean literature and in fine style with Goethe’s Reineke 
Fuchs, published in 1794, and Giacomo Leopardi’s in- 
complete Batracomiomachia, begun in 1831. Where 
Goethe cast his medieval material into hexameters in 
order to castigate human foibles in general and as a 
personal diversion from the genuine epic activities on 
the ‘world stage’, the French — > Revolution, Leopardi 
was concerned in his work, full of allusions and com- 
posed in ottava rima, the metre of the romance, precise- 
ly with a satirical treatment of the political struggles 
between Italian patriots and adherents of the restora- 
tion in Naples in the years 1 8 20-1 8 3 1 . George Orwell’s 
anti-Stalinist satire Animal Farm (1945), in terms of 
genre, is no longer determined by the epic, but by the 
fable and the novel. Beyond that, in the 20th cent, talk- 
ing animals have withdrawn into -* comics and chil- 
dren’s books, where their improbability is most likely to 
be accepted. Alan Alexander Milne’s children’s classic 
Winnie-the-Pooh was even translated into Latin in 
1958, so that Bear, Piglet and Rabbit appear one last 
time in classical dress. 

-> Batrachomyomachia;-*- Epic, animal 
-> Fable 

1 G. Bianciotto, Renart et son cheval, in: FS Felix Lecoy, 
1973,27-41 2 R. Dithmar, Die Fabel, 7 i988 3 J.Flinn, 
Le Roman de Renart dans la litterature franjaise et dans 
les literatures etrangeres au moyen age, 1963 4 Th. 

Honegger, From Phoenix to Chauntecleer. Medieval 
English Animal Poetry, 1996 5 H. R. Jauss, Untersu- 

chungen zur mittelalterlichen Tierdichtung, 1959 6 F. P. 
Knapp, Das lateinische Tierepos: Untersuchungen zur 
mittelalterlichen Tierepik, 1979 7J. Mann (ed.), Ysen- 

grimus, 1987 8 J. R. Scheidegger, Le Roman de Renart 
ou le texte de la derision, 1989 9 A. Strubel, La Rose, 
Renart et le Graal, 1989 10 J. M. Zioi.kowski, Talking 
Animals. Medieval Latin Beast Poetry, 750-1150, 1993. 

max grosse 

Animal studies see -> Zoology 
Anthologia Graeca see-> Lyric poetry 
Anthologia Latina see > Lyric poetry 

Antiquarianism (Humanism until 1800) 

A. Concept, Content and Form B. History 
and genres C. Antiquarianism and Modern 
Ancient Studies 

A. Concept, Content and Form 
During the period covered here, antiquities antiqui- 
tates, antiquites, ‘Antiquitaten’, ‘Alterthiimer’ were 
understood as the totality of written documentation or 
material remains (such as coins, monuments, objects of 
art and everyday items) that might provide information 
about the daily conditions, customs, practices, cults, 
institutions, in short the culture, of an ancient people. 

An antiquarius was an authority, a collector and archi- 
vist of such documents and fragments. After Jacob Spon 
(1685 [76]) both terms were often used synonymously 
with ‘archaeology’ and ‘archaeologist’. This arbitrari- 
ness in terminology shows that antiquarianism was not 
regarded as a self-contained ars or academic discipline 
but rather as an arsenal of facts, the ordering and eru- 
dite description of which did not follow any firm set of 
rules but rather the interest and competence of the in- 
dividual antiquarian. In a period that required every 
academic field to draw on ancient models, this openness 
can be readily explained by the multiplicity of possible 
models. Even if Varro’s Antiquitatum rerum humana- 
rum et divinarum libri XLI, that masterpiece of Anti- 
quity praised by Cicero, had been lost and were known 
to us only through Augustine’s scant list of its contents 
(Civ. 6,4), there were various other authors to turn to, 
such as Aulus Gellius ( Nodes Atticae ), Athenaeus of 
Naucratis (The Learned Banquet), Strabo, Pausanias, 
Stephanus of Byzantium or other late Roman-Hellenis- 
tic lexicographers. This plethora of varied models gave 
antiquarians significantly greater freedom of manoeu- 
vre in the presentation and literate structure of their 
material than was available to historians, for example 

Like the latter, however, pre-modern antiquarian- 
ism pursued a fundamentally philological goal: it was 
expected to help reach a better understanding of the 
works of classical authors. Information derived from 
those authors helped, in turn, to identify ancient 
objects. Antiquarianism and history were thus expected 
to extend and validate each other, with the latter con- 
centrating on the dynamic factor and the former, the 
static, systematic or structural factor: While ancient 
authors mostly depicted events and changes and often 
left the political and cultural constants simply to be 
guessed at, it fell to antiquarianism to portray just those 
‘circumstances and attitudes’ [89. 54-55]. In the early 
modern period of Classical studies, it therefore encom- 
passed constitutional, legal, economic and cultural his- 
tory. Antiquarianism usually took the form of a refer- 
ence work: Bibliotheca or Thesaurus, which bundled 
together excerpts or entire works on specific themes 
(e.g. [39-42; 82]), Lexica, which condensed such texts 
into short items of information (e.g. [62]), or Catalogi, 
which described and classified the pieces in a collection 
(e.g. [7-8; 26; 34; 71; 87]). From the late 16th cent, on, 
illustrations in woodcuts or copperplate engravings in- 
creasingly accompanied the textual description. In the 
1 8th cent, the leading antiquarian publications were 
often expensive works with illustrated plates (e.g. [49] ). 
Even if the external appearance of the publications was 
modified in this way, their structure nevertheless re- 
mained relatively unchanged. In 1459, in imitation of 
Varro, who had divided his Antiquitates into religious 
and temporal antiquities, Flavius Blondus developed 
the modern model, by breaking up his Roma trium- 
phans (in: [10]) into antiquitates publicae, privatae, 
sacrae and militates. In 1583, Johannes Rosinus adopt- 


ed a sharper differentiation in his Romanarum Anti- 
quitatum libri X [67], which, in its revision by the Scot- 
tish Etruscologist Thomas Dempster (Utrecht, 1710) 
remained a standard work until well into the 19th cent.: 
the books covered Rome’s topography and populations 
(I), the sacred items of Antiquity (II— IV), customs, 
games and festivals (V), comitia assemblies and magi- 
strates (VI- VII), the legal (IX) and martial items of An- 
tiquity (X). Items of Antiquity were always classified 
according to subject matter. In the middle of the 18th 
cent, categorisation changed to using periods and 
phases of artistic development. That heralded the end of 
traditional antiquarianism and its merging with history 
into modern Altertumswissenschaft (study of Anti- 

B. History and genres 
1. Rome as the Centre of Humanistic Anti- 
quarianism 2. Antiquarianism and Aristo- 
cratic Representation 3. Forms of 
Antiquitates publicae 4. Greek and Biblical 
Antiquarianism 5. National Antiquarian- 
ism 6. Crisis and Triumph of Antiquarian- 
ism after 1700 

1. Rome as the Centre of Humanistic Anti- 

Interest in material remains from Antiquity never 
faded during the Middle Ages [109, ch. 1; 124, ch. 1]. 
Ancient buildings were incorporated into churches, 
residential or defensive complexes, while inscriptions, 
sculptures und fragments were used as booty, and jew- 
els and coins were fashioned into decorative items and 
cult objects. Saintly cults and local legends developed 
out of grave finds. Ancient monuments were used as 
evidence of the longevity of one’s own city, family or 
period of rule - signifying a valuable political legitimi- 
sation in an era when legal and property claims and 
pretensions to power had to have a basis in tradition. 
This pragmatic, direct relationship with Antiquity was 
to change fundamentally at the beginning of the Renais- 
sance. It gave way to the consciousness of a deep his- 
torical gap, separating the (depressed) present from (the 
brilliance of) Antiquity [105 J. That is why Humanists 
no longer looked at ancient remains with a naive pleas- 
ure in the old and unusual, but with admiration and a 
spirit of enquiry. The beauty and artistic perfection of 
ancient objects confirmed for them that Antiquity had 
been an exemplary era in every respect, and they served 
as exemplars for the humanistic project of systematical- 
ly orienting all fields of existence towards ancient mod- 
els. Thus, scholars began to explore all these things spe- 
cifically to gain from them a vivid, historical impression 
of the politico-cultural reality of life for people in Anti- 
quity [129]. 

Like -*■ Humanism in general, antiquarianism also 
came to life in Italy. The city of Rome remained its 
centre until the 18th cent. [99; 100; in]. In the service 
of the Popes, who deliberately linked with Rome’s im- 


perial tradition on their return from Avignon (1377), 
distinguished Humanists like Poggio Bracciolini propa- 
gated a renovatio of Augustan Rome under curial direc- 
tion (J. Hankins in: [99. 47—8 5 J ). Families who supplied 
cardinals, like the Orsini, Colonna or Barberini, on the 
other hand, promoted instead study that recalled the 
republican-senatorial tradition of ancient Rome. This 
political-ideological antagonism also dominated the re- 
lationship between Rome’s antiquarian attitudes and 
those of other Italian states (e.g. Venice or Florence) 
and, from the time of the Reformation, between Catho- 
lic and Protestant antiquarianism. The fascination for 
antiquarianism in early modern Europe is to be ex- 
plained not least by its importance as a cultural medium 
for political power struggles [127]. 

Roman antiquarianism began as a search for the to- 
pography of ancient Rome. In 1429, in De varietate 
fortunae urbis Romae et de ruina eiusdem, Poggio Brac- 
ciolini wistfully described the Roman ruins that he - 
following Petrarch’s advice to read the classicists on 
ancient ruins - attempted to identify from literary 
sources (in: [63]). In 1432/34, for his treatise Dereaedi- 
ficatoria (1452., printed 1485), the architect Leon Bat- 
tista Alberti measured and sketched several Roman 
buildings [1]. The first topographic manual of ancient 
Rome, however, was produced by Papal secretary Fla- 
vius Blondus in his Roma instaurata (1444-47, printed 
1471), the sequel to which, Roma triumpbans (1457- 
59, printed 1472), also encompassed Christian antiq- 
uities (in: [10]). In 1462 Pope Pius II (Enea Silvio Pic- 
colomini) renewed an edict issued in 1363 for the pro- 
tections of Roman antiquities. In 1515 Julius II ap- 
pointed the painter Raffael Santi inspector of Roman 
monuments and antiquities and commissioned him to 
see to their systematic documentation. The results - the 
Antiquitates urbis of Andrea Fulvio and a map of an- 
cient Rome by Fabio Calvo - appeared in 1 5 27, shortly 
before the destruction of many ancient monuments in 
the ‘Sacco di Roma’ (Sack of Rome). In 1553, Calvo’s 
map was superseded by the one that Pirro Ligorio drew 
in his Libro delle antichitd di Roma |q 6] and then sur- 
passed in 1561 with his monumental woodcut-depic- 
tion of a bird’s-eye view of ancient Rome ( Antiquae 
urbis imago accuratissime ex vetustis monumentis for- 
mata) [97]. Similar attempts were made by Leonardo 
Bufalini (1331), Antonio Tempesta (1593) and many 
others after them (Grafton in: [99. 87-123]). 

Rome’s importance as a travel destination for pil- 
grims, members of the nobility and artists ensured that 
such maps and pictures of ancient buildings, statues and 
works of art quickly spread throughout the whole of 
Europe and shaped the contemporary image of Anti- 
quity with local colouring [103]. Especially influential 
were the compendia of Ulisse Aldrovandi [2; 3] of Bolo- 
gna, the Vestigi delle Antichitd di Roma of the copper- 
plate engraver of the Prague court, Aegidius Sadeler 
[68], the plates depicting Roman statues and bas-reliefs 
by Francois Perrier [57-58], and in the 18th cent, the 
vedute of the Venetian Giovanni Battista Piranesi [61]. 


Until 1657 the Roman antiquarian Cassiano dal Pozzo 
had distinguished artists like Nicolas Poussin encyclo- 
paedically document all extant monuments of Anti- 
quity and the Early Middle Ages in an enormous 
archive of illustrations. By the time of his death there 
were some 7000 drawings and etchings in 23 folio vol- 
umes (Museo Cartaceo) [17J. 

2. Antiquarianism and Aristocratic Repre- 

Until the discovery of ->■ Pompeii, Rome remained 
the central stage for significant finds of classical works 
of art (-► Laocoon group in 1506, the Farnese bull in 
1545, the Farnese Hercules in 1546, Ara pacis in 1368, 
the Aldobrandi wedding in i582,Niobe in 1583) [102]. 
In 1471 Pope Sixtus IV opened the first Antiquity 
museum in the Conservatory palace. From 1503, Julius 
II created at Belvedere the Antiquity gallery that became 
a model throughout the world. Soon, not only Roman 
cardinals (Borghese, Farnese, Fudovisi, Barberini, 
Colonna, Chigi), but prestige-minded cities and princes 
in Europe began collecting works of art or at least estab- 
lishing for themselves a studiolo, a study fashioned in 
antique style. Famous Italian collections were those of 
the Gonzaga in Mantua and the Este in Ferrara. In just 
Venice alone in the 17th cent, there were about 70 fairly 
small exhibition rooms of antiquities. Among the 
French aristocracy, antiquities-collecting was popular 
under Francois I (1315-1547) [102. 1-6]. Emperors in 
the Holy Roman Empire from Maximilian I (1493- 
1519) onward maintained antiquarian collections at 
their courts in Vienna, Innsbruck and Prague. As early 
as 1570 the dukes of Bavaria established in their resi- 
dence at Munich the Antiquarium, the only Antiquity 
museum outside Italy [92. 133-192], in competition 
with the collection of the Palatine Electors in Heidel- 
berg [7], while the courts of Saxony and Brandenburg 
did not develop their significant -> Antiquities col- 
lections until the 17th cent. [8. 103]. In England, in 
addition to the collection of King Charles I (1625- 
1649), that of the diplomat Thomas Howard, 2nd Earl 
of Arundel, was world-famous [104J. Its catalogue, 
completed by John Selden in 1629 [71], set new schol- 
arly standards. 

Supervised by reputable antiquarians, such collecti- 
ons and (private) museums reflected the status, wealth, 
good taste, education and extensive contacts of their 
owners. They thus served scholarly and social purposes 
at the same time. As attractions for distinguished trav- 
ellers, they became a meeting-place for nobles, artists, 
scholars and other members of the new upper class that 
often transcended social levels [127]. Under the influ- 
ence of antiquarianism, aristocratic-elite circles, which 
constituted a Europe-wide network of communications 
and correspondence, formed themselves into -> acad- 
emies. One of the earliest and most influential was the 
Roman one of Pomponius Eaetus (1428-1497), who 
held lectures on old chronology, linguistic and legal 
items of Antiquity and together with his pupils collected 
inscriptions [99]. In the 16th cent, all larger Italian cities 


had similar academies, which pursued, proposed and 
financed antiquarian research. In — ► Naples, they unit- 
ed in 1738 to form the Accademia degli Ercolanesi, 
which had been recording the finds from -> Hercula- 
neum, and those from Pompeii after 1760. In Augs- 
burg, Eaetus’ pupil Conrad Peutinger established 
around 1495 the first German collection of antiquities 
(which contained inter alia the Tabula Peutingeriana) 
and an academy that had links with the humanist soda- 
lities promoted by Emperor Maximilian I [92]. In Eng- 
land 1572 a Society of Antiquaries was formed in 1572 
but was banned by King James I in 1 604 as a bastion of 
political resistance. In 173 2 wealthy private individuals 
established the -»■ Society of Dilettanti, which 
financed several antiquarian research expeditions in the 
eastern Mediterranean. The most important French 
academy for antiquarian studies was the royal Acade- 
mie des Inscriptions et belles-lettres (founded 1663), 
which after its re-establishment in 1716/17 published 
Memoires annually. A Collegium Antiquarium was es- 
tablished in Uppsala in 1666 [122; 126. 47-49]. 

3. Forms of Antiquitates publicae 

The most widespread form of reputable antiquarian- 
ism was work with gems and coins. These fascinated 
contemporaries as symbols of princely power, as a 
starting-point for politico-moralistic reflection and for 
the attempts, characteristic of the period, to produce 
genealogical lines of descent from the Caesars to the 
collection’s owner. For that reason, ancient numismat- 
ics flourished above all at the imperial court. Here, the 
court historiographer Wolfgang Lazius dreamed as 
early as 1558 of a complete corpus of all ancient coins 
[45], before Adolf III Occo outlined in 1579 a method 
for their chronological recording [52] - two goals that 
were, however, not reached until Joseph Hilarius 
Eckhel as Director of the Vienna Court Coin Cabinet, 
completed its massive catalogue in 1779 and in 1792 
founded modern -> Numismatics with his Doctrina 
nummorum veterum [26-27]. I n the 17th cent., the 
leading numismatists were working in France, where, in 
1514, using antiquarian techniques, Guillaume Buda- 
eus had developed a comparative metrology and mon- 
etary theory [16]: Jean Foy Vaillant (1632-1706), who 
in the course of his adventurous life wrote a great 
number of treatises, particularly on Roman provincial 
and Hellenistic coins, and was the first to concentrate 
consistently on original items can be mentioned, but 
also Charles Patin [56] and the Palatine-Brandenburg 
diplomat Ezechiel Spanheim [75]. 

The first comprehensive compendia of gem and coin 
portraits were created by the Spanish court painter 
Hubert Goltzius [33] and distinguished collectors like 
Fulvius Ursinus [83-84] and Abraham Gorlaeus, a resi- 
dent of Antwerp ([36; 37] cf. Zazoffin: [90. 363-378]). 
The spectacular plan for a publication on all ancient 
jewels, however, on which Peter Paul Rubens and Nico- 
las Fabri de Peiresc, the most famous antiquarian of his 
time, had been working between 1621 and 1637, did 
not come to fruition, because of the latter’s death [117. 



21 J. The pioneering work of modern glyptography was 
created in 1724 by Philipp von Stosch [79], whose much 
admired collection was catalogued by Johann Joachim 
Winckelmann in 1760 [88. 130]. 

Aesthetic-moralistic and political interests interfered 
not only in the debate over coins but also in considera- 
tion of the classical forms of antiquitates publicae and 
of inscriptions and legal antiquities. In both cases, con- 
temporaries admired not least the art of pithy, well-con- 
structed mottoes. Most of all, though, they hoped to 
obtain information on the organisation and leadership 
structure of a model polity. Poggio published the first 
Roman inscriptions in 1429 in De varietate fortunae 
([in: 63]). The first German collection was produced in 
1505 by Conrad Peutinger 1305 in his Romanae vetu- 
statis fragmenta in Augusta Vindelicorum [60]. Some 
30 years later, his fellow citizen, the banker Raymund 
Fugger financed an edition [4] that remained the lead- 
ing work on Roman provincial inscriptions until Janus 
Gruter, librarian of the Heidelberg Palatine Inscrip- 
tions, together with Joseph Justus Scaliger, published in 
1602/03 the Inscriptiones antiquae totius orbis 
Romani, the authoritative edition until Mommsen [ 43 ] . 

In 1 5 50 the Augustinian monk Onuphrius Panvinius 
[54] front Verona and Carolus Sigonius from Modena 
[74 J undertook the first attempts to reconstruct the ru- 
ins of the Roman fasti, discovered a little earlier on the 
forunt. From such beginnings there developed, on the 
one hand, chronological antiquarianism, which culmi- 
nated in Joseph Justus Scaliger’s efforts in 1583 und 
1606, using antiquarian, philological and mathemati- 
cal methods, to combine Biblical and ancient time-sys- 
tems into one objective world chronology [69; 70; 98]. 
On the other hand, Panvinius [55] und Sigonius [72] 
became the founders of antiquarian legal history, which 
was later developed in particular by Protestant schol- 
ars. Thus, Franciscus Balduinus [6] in 1550 and Jaco- 
bus Gothofredus [38) of Geneva in 1616 completed 
pioneering reconstructions of the Law of the Twelve 
Tables. Via Holland, this branch of antiquarianism 
reached Germany in the 17th cent., where, in 1719, 
Johann Gottlieb Heineccius compiled the collection of 
Roman legal antiquities that was be canonical for the 
whole of Europe for many decades [44J. 

4. Greek and Biblical Antiquarianism 

The first steps in non-Roman, especially Greek anti- 
quarianism [94; 106. 1 6-24] were taken in Italy as well. 
At the beginning of the 15th cent., the Florentine priest 
Cristoforo de’ Buondelmonti, financed by Cardinal 
Girolamo Orsini, researched both Christian churches 
and ancient temples in the Aegean. Between 1423 and 
1455 the long-distance trader Cyriacus of Ancona con- 
ducted even more intensive investigations into the an- 
cient sites of this region. Of his Antiquarum return com- 
mentaria, however, there remain only copies of individ- 
ual pages. After the fall of Constantinople in 14 5 3 , such 
journeys became rarer - that of the French doctor 
Petrus Belonius [9] being an exception to the rule. The 
most important pioneers of Greek antiquarianism - 

Johannes Meursius [48], Ubbo Emmius [29], Samuel 
Petitus [59], Jacob Gronovius [42], Lambert Bos [12] 
and Johann Albert Fabricius [30] - never saw Greece. A 
new chapter of Greek travel began only in 1 673/76 with 
Jacob Spon, a physician from Lyons, [78; 95]. From 
1751 the -► Society of Dilettanti financed several 
English research expeditions to -* Greece and Asia 
Minor: these included those of the architects James 
Stuart and Nicholas Revett, who for several years sys- 
tematically recorded the Antiquities of Athens [80], and 
of Richard Chandler, who had catalogued the Mar- 
mora Oxoniensia [20], before he researched the Ionian 
Antiquities in Asia Minor [19]. In 1799, Thomas Bruce, 
7th Earl of Elgin, began his efforts, successful in 1804, 
to transport the Parthenon friezes (the so-called Elgin 
Marbles) to London. 

Biblical antiquarianism, i.e. for the most part He- 
brew-Ancient Near Eastern, was at least as intensively 
pursued as classical antiquarianism throughout the 
whole period under discussion. In 1583 Sigonius wrote, 
in turn, the first authoritative study [73). In 1 593 there 
followed Jewish-Rabbinical antiquities of the Spanish 
publisher of the polyglot Bible, Benito Arias Montanus 
[5]. The Utrecht orientalist, Hadrian Reeland [64-65), 
produced a collection of sacred Hebrew antiquities 
( 1 70 8 ) and a pioneering antiquarian topography of Pal- 
estine (which he had never seen). From 1744 the Ve- 
netian Blasius Ugolinus combined these and many other 
works on Hebrew antiquities into one thesaurus of 34 
folio volumes [82J. Some 100 years earlier, Antonio 
Bosio had produced the foundational work of Christian 
antiquarianism with his topography of Roman cata- 
combs [13]. 

A pre-Champollion Egyptian antiquarianism was 
inspired by the re-erection of Roman obelisks under 
Sixtus V (1585-1590). Imbued by the desire to portray 
the Egyptians to his contemporaries as a model people 
whose political and private lives moved in perfect, con- 
tented harmony with the precepts of almighty priest- 
kings, the polyglot Jesuit Athanasius Kircher studied 
their sacred antiquities and the meaning of the hiero- 
glyphs (Grafton in: [99. 87-123]). Nicolas Fabri de Pei- 
resc in Aix-en-Provence was especially interested in 
Egyptian antiquarianism. A universal scholar, he pub- 
lished nothing, but was, on the basis of his letters alone, 
regarded as the most significant antiquarian of his time 

5. National Antiquarianism 

Parallel with the intensive study of Classical anti- 
quarianism, research into individual national antiq- 
uities began in all European countries. Princes and 
authorities promoted efforts, intensified by the growing 
spirit of nationalism, to (re-)construct with critical 
methods as glorious an early history as possible from 
the monuments, ruins and finds in one’s own country. 
In competition with the Papal-imperial renovatio of 
Rome, Italian cities started to discover their pre-Roman 
and - in Sicily and southern Italy - Greek origins [112. 
104-106; 113]. -> Etruscology flourished in Tus- 


cany ([23; 34; 33; 36] cf. [112. 91-92]). Following 
Blondus’ example, authorities such as Scipione Maffei 
[47] or Lodovico Antonio Muratori [50-51] estab- 
lished, as late as the 18th cent., impressive collections of 
urban and regional antiquities. 

Even in France, where Joachim du Bellay’s sonnet 
cycle Les Antiquitez de Rome (1558) co-founded na- 
tional literature, cities like Nimes (1559), Bordeaux 
(1565), Paris (1576), Arles (1625), Vienne (1658) and 
Lyons (1678) undertook research into their monuments 
and antiquities ([77. 85-86]; further evidence in: [it9; 
95] ). It was no accident but an indication of a political 
alliance that Andre Duchesne followed up his Antiqui- 
tes et Recherches de la grandeur et majeste des Rois de 
France with a collection in 1 6 1 o of antiquities of French 
cities and fortresses [24-25]. In 1643, in his Ulysse fran- 
f ois, Louis Coulon wrote a guidebook to Gallo-Roman 
antiquities. Finds like those of the ‘Venus of Arles’ 
(1651), the ‘Childeric grave’ in Tournai (1653) and the 
Gallic ‘grave of Cocherel’ (1685) inspired the search for 
the Gallic past that in the 18th cent, was conducted on 
an academic basis and produced a great number of 
works on regional antiquarianism [119. 31-57]. 

In the Holy Roman Empire as well, urban scholars in 
particular (especially in Alsace, Franconia and Swabia) 
were engaged in demonstrating the greatness of the 
Germanic past through their antiquarian research and 
thus providing a historical-ideological accompaniment 
to the Emperors’ efforts of political unification. Even 
before Beatus Rhenanus of Schlettstadt in his Rerum 
Germanicarum libri III (1531) put antiquities on an 
equal footing with textual sources [66], Sigismund Mei- 
sterlin had accorded them a great deal of attention in his 
Augsburger Chronik (Augsburg Chronicle) (1485/88). 
But even a royal historian of the court like Johann 
Turmair, also known as Aventin, thoroughly investi- 
gated his lord’s property around 1520 in systematic 
search for Roman and pre-Roman remains [8i|. Even 
before the Catholic project of Germania Sacra was 
translated into reality, the Jesuit Christoph Brouwer 
produced a model piece of modern religious-monastic 
antiquarianism with his antiquarian works on the his- 
tory of the Fulda and Trier bishoprics [14-15]. 

After the Reformation, the attention given to nation- 
al antiquities was strengthened by the anxiety that 
learned scholars felt at seeing the destruction of age-old 
monasteries, churches and monuments. In England, 
John Leland, who had been King’s Antiquary since 
1533, undertook extensive journeys following the clo- 
sure of monasteries to save MSS, record place names 
and study local antiquities such Hadrian’s Wall I109]. 
His jottings remained unpublished - like John Aubrey’s 
notes on the Monumenta Britannica from the 1660s. 
William Camden, however, used them in 1586 for his 
influential Britannia , a collection, using Blondus as a 
model, of name-studies, urban histories, coins and in- 
scriptions [118. 33-53]. The Roman Antiquities , in 
which Thomas Godwin drew parallels in 1614 between 
Roman and English institutions [31] were an antiquar- 


ian expression of such inspiration of national feeling 
[96]. There was now a universal effort to use excavati- 
ons to enlarge antiquities [1 18]. In Sweden, Johan Bure 
(1568-1652) and Olof Rudbeck (1630-1702) were 
commissioned by the king to research rune stones and 
grave-mounds. In Denmark, Ole Worm (1588-1654) 
displayed his finds in his much-visited ‘room of won- 
ders’. In Hamburg, Andreas Albert Rhode’s Cimbrisch- 
Hollsteinische Antiquitaeten-Remarques appeared in 
1719/20 as the first antiquarian publication [124]. In 
Holland, Ubbo Emmius researched the antiquities of 
his native Frisia [28]. In Russia, where the Scythians 
had been discovered as national ancestors, the Czars, 
starting with Peter the Great, promoted research into 
Scythian graves and antiquities [123]. The combination 
of antiquarianism, topography and ethnography en- 
sured that national antiquarianism - even more than 
the rather literature-fixated classical antiquarianism - 
became a laboratory for modern archaeological 

6. Crisis and Triumph of Antiquarianism 

after 1700 

In the 17th cent, the universities in the Netherlands 
became centres of antiquarianism and places of refuge 
for leading antiquarians from all over Europe. Here, at 
the cutting-edge of advanced philology, mathematical 
inspiration and modern science, worked Philipp Clu- 
verius of Danzig, who updated the topography not just 
of Germany but also of Old Italy [21-22], Johann 
Georg Graevius [39-41] of Naumburg and Jacob Gro- 
novius [42] of Hamburg. Their life’s work consisted of 
massive collections of texts, in which they brought to- 
gether the work of earlier antiquarians, often with mod- 
ern commentary, into mighty storehouses of knowledge 
and thus provided representative overviews of the 
status of individual branches of antiquarianism. The 
articles in the Lexicon antiquitatum Romanarum of 
Samuel Pitiscus [62] summarized the more extensive 
information contained in those publications. Such 
large-scale projects were also a reaction to a growing 
crisis in the meaning of antiquarianism, i.e. to the fact 
that consensus as to what ‘Antiquity’ was and should 
be, was clearly disappearing in the flood of finds and 
publications. In the process, the pedagogical-moral aim 
of antiquarianism moved so far away from its focus that 
it could appear as a frivolous end unto itself. Moreover, 
intensive philolological-antiquarian research had ex- 
posed so many mistakes in transmission that sceptics 
(so-called Pyrrhonists) disputed that antiquarianism 
could yield any reliable knowledge of value [112]. De- 
fenders of antiquarianism had therefore to first of all 
identify what was credible in the accumulated wisdom 
on Antiquity and what of that was worth knowing at 
all. In the process, however, antiquarianism acquired a 
revolutionary new significance. To be sure, Cyriacus of 
Ancona had already prized antiquities as sigilla of his- 
torical accuracy, as Patin had praised coins as ‘les mar- 
ques les plus assures’ of history, and Spon monuments 
as better books, fashioned out of stone and metal. Now, 


however, the relationship between history and anti- 
quarianism was being completely reversed: whereas 
classical texts had previously accorded antiquities their 
status and authority, the latter had now become judges 
of textual credibility [120]. 

Antiquarianism’s new claim, to be able to determine, 
better than history could, the substance and meaning of 
Antiquity was embodied in 1719 by L’Antiquite expli- 
quee et representee en figures of the Benedictine Ber- 
nard de Montfaucon [49]. The work, composed in 
French (with Latin translations at the foot of each page) 
was the most lavish and most expensive that antiquari- 
anism had produced up to that time. In some 40,000 
copperplate illustrations it documented ancient 
remains - divided into sacred, private, martial and fu- 
nerary items of Antiquity - from pictures of deities to 
everyday objects from the whole Mediterranean (non- 
Jewish) world. Montfaucon saw pictures not as illustra- 
tions of textual information but as its sensory essence. 
He therefore defined Antiquity as precisely that qui 
pent tomber sous les yeux, et ce qui se peut representer 
dans des images : and he regarded la belle antiquite as 
having declined in the 3rd cent., with the Theodosius 
Column as its last monument. On the other hand, he 
only touched peripherally on state, legal and constitu- 
tional antiquities, hitherto the central concerns of anti- 
quarianism, or on chronology and topography. 

This tendency to explain Antiquity as a sensory-aes- 
thetic phenomenon and antiquities as autonomous, aes- 
thetic objects was given a boost in 1752 by the Recueil 
d’antiquites egyptiennes, etrusques, grecques et romai- 
nes of the French diplomat, Asia Minor traveller and 
patron of the arts Anne Claude Philippe de Thubires, 
Comte de Caylus [18]. He discussed only items from his 
own collection and insofar adopted a distinctly anti- 
academic approach, although he attached great impor- 
tance to exactness in measurements and physical de- 
scriptions and although he preferred fragments to intact 
items, sherds to statues. He constantly searched for the 
specific way in which each people in each period created 
its works so as to determine artistic progress or vari- 
ations ( ses progres ou ses alterations) front the differen- 
ces. In 1761, well ahead of Winckelmann, Caylus de- 
scribed an evolution from Egypt through Etruria to 
Greece ou le savoir joint la plus noble elegance, so that 
art reached its highest ‘perfection’ here, and by com- 
parison that of the Romans represented something of a 

This transition to a genetic structure of antiquarian- 
ism, driven by the aristocratic principle of inherent aes- 
thetic intuition, was completed in 1764 by Johann 
Joachim Winckelmann’s Geschichte der Kunst des 
Alterthums (History of the Art of Antiquity) [88]. Art 
was no longer divided according to objects or artists but 
into a theoretical-typological section, which described 
artistic development according to its character, and an 
evolutionary history, which studied the same process in 
connection with the external conditions of the period. 
In so doing, he stipulated a parallelism between aesthet- 


ic and political development, taking art, in the emanci- 
patory spirit of the Enlightenment, as the product and 
measure of political freedom [107; 108; 122J. That he, 
like Caylus, celebrated Greek culture as the apogee of 
Antiquity, and disparaged Roman culture, by contrast, 
as a phenomenon of decadence, shifted antiquarian- 
ism’s traditionally most important field of study out of 
the limelight. 

C. Antiquarianism and Modern Ancient 

Winckelmann thus gave antiquarianism its own 
immanent criteria - those of style and organic develop- 
ment - for independent classification of its material. 
This historizing completely freed antiquarianism from 
its bondage to ancient texts and did away with the old 
distinction between antiquarianism and history. At the 
beginning of the 19th cent, both disciplines - together 
with philology - merged into one new discipline: that of 
historically oriented ‘Altertumswissenschaft’ (ancient 
studies), which Christian Gottlob Heyne had been prac- 
ticing since 1763 at the University of Gottingen,- with 
its powerful international reach - as the universal study 
of culture [93] and the programmatic representation of 
which was subsequently developed by his pupil Fried- 
rich August Wolf in 1807 [89]. From being an aspect of 
aristocratic representative culture, an elitist hobby for 
wealthy collectors, or a demanding secondary activity 
for professors of poetry and jurisprudence, antiquari- 
anism had become a professional academic subject. 
Without changing its name, it became the systematic 
discipline of archaeology, which in modern humanistic 
studies had the role of making material sources avail- 
able. August Bockh’s Staatshaushaltung der Athener, 
the first document of the new modern antiquarianism, 
appeared in 1817 in that context. [11]. Whoever then, 
by contrast, pursued antiquarianism in the old way, im- 
mediately ran the risk of acquiring the reputation of 
being an unsystematic, unhistorical eclectic, or even of 
being merely an antiquarian. 

->• Archaeological Methods and Theories; 

->■ Christian Archaeology; -> Classical Archae- 
ology; -> Historiography; -> Prints, books con- 
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Herzog August Bibliothek, vol. 71, 1994; S. Forero- 
Mendoza, Le temps des ruines. L’eveil de la conscience 
historique a la renaissance, 2002; Ph. Jacks, The Anti- 
quarian and the Myth of Antiquity. The Origins of Rome 
in Renaissance Thought, 1993; P. N. Miller, Peiresc’s 
Europe. Learning and Virtue in the Seventeenth Century, 
i 995; G. Parry, The Trophies of Time. English Antiquari- 
anism of the Seventeenth Century, 1995; Th. Weiss (ed.), 
Von der Schonheit weilSen Marmors. Zum 200. Todestag 
Bartolomeo Cavaceppis, in: Wissenschaftliche Bestands- 
kataloge der Kulturstiftung Dessau- Worlitz, vol. 2), 1999; 
M. Winner, B. Andreae & C. Pierangeli (eds.), II Cor- 
tile delle Statue. Der Statuenhof des Belvedere im Vatikan. 
Akten des internationalen Kongresses zu Ehren von 
Richard Krautheimer, Rom, 21-23 October 1992, 1998. 


Antiqui et moderni see -> Querelle des Anciens et 
des Modernes 

Antiquities, Collections of 

A. Introduction B. Periods in the History 
of Collections C. Categories of 

A. Introduction 

The history of collections was the object of intensive 
investigation around 1900, in Germany above all by 
Adolf Michaelis [1-3] and Christian Hiilsen [4]. In 
recent decades, it has once again, for various reasons, 
come to occupy the center of interest. Cultural history 
discovered collections and their classification systems 
as sources for research on mentality. Great museums 
occupied themselves increasingly with their own histo- 
ries. Added to this was an increased attention to pro- 
cesses of reception. On the archaeological side, the new 
interest for the context of finds led to the investigation 
of the provenance of ‘old finds’. It thus became possible 


I S7 

to trace the history of the Berlin (Praying boy) back 
through many collections to its discovery at Rhodes [5], 
or to clarify the provenance of the Duncombe Discobo- 
lus in a convincing way [6]. Because of these hetero- 
geneous scientific interests and various methodological 
starting-points, the history of collections presents itself 
until today primarily as a mosaic of individual studies. 
Because of the one-sided state of research, the following 
presentation is largely limited to collections of sculp- 

B. Periods in the History of Collections 

1. Antiquity and Byzantium 2. The Middle 
Ages 3. The Renaissance until the Council 
of Trent 4. The Baroque 5. The Age of En- 
lightenment 6. Future Prospects 

1. Antiquity and Byzantium 

Because of their religious and political significance, 
ancient statues were initially created only for exhibition 
in shrines and grave precincts, later on in public squares 
as well. Only when aesthetic appreciation asserted itself 
and consideration from art-historical viewpoints estab- 
lished itself did museum-style exhibitions become pos- 
sible. Since Late Hellenistic theories of art attributed an 
exemplary role to works of the 5th and 4th cents. BC, 
the latter were particularly treasured and sought after 
by connoisseurs. Greek originals reached Rome in large 
numbers as spoils of war, and served as adornments of 
public buildings, but also of private villas and gardens 
[7; 8]. In addition, the development of the copyists’ 
trade made older masterworks available for new exhi- 
bition contexts - at least in three-dimensional repro- 
ductions [9]. 

In Christian Late Antiquity a fundamental conflict 
was articulated, which was to remain decisive for the 
reception of statues down to modern times. To be sure, 
wealthy villas could still be fitted out with older statues, 
which often had to be repaired for their new exhibition. 
Here again, a primarily aesthetic appreciation of the 
sculptures came to the foreground [10]. On the other 
hand, the religious significance of the statues resulted in 
an aggressive rejection by the Christians, which often 
expressed itself in the destruction of ancient figures of 
the gods (for instance, the destruction of the cult-statue 
of Serapis in Alexandria [1 1] ). Several collections of 
statues are attested at Byzantium [12-14; 1 5], of which 
that of Lausos is said to have contained some of the 
most famous Greek cult statues [16]. 

2. The Middle Ages 

Owing to their interpretation as ‘heathen’ idols, an- 
cient statues were also problematic in the Middle Ages 
[17; 18]. The smashing of ‘idols’ was even celebrated as 
a pious deed of saints. Showing the debris of ancient 
statues in public was considered proof of the victory of 
Christianity over the pagan deities [17; 45-47J. Occa- 
sionally, conflicts determined by content could be re- 
solved through a Christian reinterpretation. Where no 
religious implications were perceived, particularly with 


primarily decorative pieces, ancient sculptures could be 
reused in a variety of ways: urns as reliquaries or stoups 
[19]; sarcophagi for the burial of important personages, 
or even saints [20J; reliefs as decorations for facades or 
choir screens, etc. 

Publicly shown collections of antiquities, which 
served as legitimation of power and demonstration of 
political success, are attested in many places. In Rome, 
publicly exhibited ancient statues (the Lateran she- 
wolf, the Capitoline group of fighting animals) marked 
the site of a massacre [21]. The figures displayed on the 
papal Lateran Palace testified to continuity since the 
time of the Roman emperors (equestrian statue of Con- 
stantine), and at the same time to the triumph of Chris- 
tianity over the pagan divinities (colossal head of Sol) 
[17. 46; 22]. The sculptures brought to Aachen by 
Charlemagne underlined his claim to continue the 
Roman Empire in a new form[23; 24]. In Venice, the 
bronze horses and porphyry reliefs taken front Con- 
stantinople and exhibited in St. Mark’s Square proclai- 
med the city’s successes, although the contexts were 
soon forgotten [25; 26]. Many cities exhibited ancient 
inscriptions and figures as proof of their long and glo- 
rious history [25. 115-167]. The presentation of spolia 
in many churches was a visible expression of the over- 
coming and simultaneous monopolization of Antiquity 
[27; 28]. 

3. The Renaissance until the Council of 


The intense concern of the -> Renaissance with the 
literature of Antiquity also led to a modified concept of 
the meaning of ancient sculptures. Artists and scholars 
made them the object of systematic study [29; 30], and 
not infrequently possessed antiquities themselves, as for 
example Lorenzo Ghiberti [3 ij. In addition to their tra- 
ditional evaluation as historical and antiquarian testi- 
monies (see above), the aesthetic appreciation of an- 
cient works of art came more and more to the fore [32], 
as they became the unquestioned models for architects, 
painters and sculptors. Complete series of portraits, 
preferably of Roman emperors, became very popular: 
they could be regarded as parallels to historical texts, 
such as the Lives of the Caesars by Suetonius. Know- 
ledge of ancient coins enabled a methodologically well- 
grounded procedure for the identification even of fig- 
ures in the round [22. 48-50], which of course did not 
exclude continuing capricious identifications. Added to 
this was the effort to tie in preserved statues with liter- 
ary accounts about famous monuments and artists. 

In Rome, Venice, Florence and other cities of North- 
ern Italy, cardinals and princes acquired their own col- 
lections of antiquities. In Rome in 1471, Pope Sixtus IV 
had some of the city’s most famous antiquities (the she- 
wolf; the colossal head of the bronze statue of an emper- 
or and its bronze hand; the Spinario; Camillus) trans- 
ferred from the Lateran Palace to the Capitol [22J. 
Gradually, the Piazza del Campidoglio was adorned 
with sculptures alluding to Rome’s historic grandeur 
[32; 33] (Fig. 1). Under Julius II (1503-1513) the Bel- 




Fig. 1 : Rome, Capitol Square with 
ancient statues. View from 1618, 
anonymous engraving 

Fig. 2: Rome, collection of 
antiquities in the Casa Santacroce. 
Drawing by Marten van 

Fig. 3 : Rome, Courtyard of 
the Palazzo Valle-Capranica with 
antiques. Engraving by 
Hieronymus Cock 




Fig. 4: Leiden, statue collection of the university. Drawing by Jacob van Werven, c. 1745 

vedere Court at the Vatican received its decoration of 
statues, which, with the Apollo (-+ Belvedere 
Apollo), the Antinoos, the Belvedere Torso and the 
-> Laocoon group, included some of the most valued 
and frequently-copied figures [z; 34]. 

Cardinals and noble families filled the gardens and 
courts of their palaces with fragments of statues, busts, 
and reliefs [30. 471-480; 35]; one of the first to do so 
may well have been the Cardinal Prospero Colonna (d. 
1463) [35; 90]. Inventories give some idea of the numer- 
ous and often very extensive collections of antiquities in 
Rome, as do the sketchbooks of artists like Maerten van 
Heemskerck (Fig. z), but also the description written in 
1550 by Ulisse Aldroandi, entitled Le statue di Roma. 
Among the antiquities collections described were those 
of the Cardinals Andrea Della Valle (d. 1534) [35. 
iiyff.; 36], Paolo Emilio (d. 1537) as well as Federico 
(d. 1564) Cesi [4. 1-4Z; 36; 87-91] and Rodolfo da 
Carpi (d. 1564) [4. 43-84] and that of Stefano Del 
Bufalo [37]. Antiquities thus often remained incom- 
plete and were frequently arranged according to deco- 
rative considerations, but also often according to theme 
or content [36]. A pioneering innovation for the exhi- 
bition of antiquities was illustrated by their integration 
within architecture, as it was undertaken around 15Z5 
in the Palazzo Valle Capranica [4. VI.; 36] (Fig.3). Out- 
side of Italy, King Francois I of France proceeded to set 
up his own collection of antiquities [38]. 

4. The Baroque 

The increasingly strict moral ideas of the Counter- 
Reformation brought about a drastic reduction of the 

papal antiquities collections in Rome under Pius V 
(1566-157Z) and Sixtus V (1585-1590), and even the 
hiding of the Belvedere Court antiquities in wooden 
crates [z. 4Z-48; 36. 114-115). The same period, how- 
ever, also witnessed the rapid expansion of the antiq- 
uities collections of Cardinal Alessandro Farnese (d. 
1:589) [39] and Ferdinando de Medici (d. 1609) 1 40] . 
Only slightly later followed the collections of Marchese 
Vincenzo Giustiniani [41; 4z|, of the Cardinals Scipio 
Borghese (d. 1633) [43] and Lodovico Ludovisi (d. 
163Z) [44-46] as well as that of Pope Urban VIII ( 1 6Z3- 
1644) in the Palazzo Barberini. All of them were inte- 
grated within magnificent palaces or villas. 

The 17th cent, saw the rapid spread of antiquities 
collections north of the Alps as well, where they soon 
became an integral part of royal representations. For 
instance, antiquities collections were acquired by Alb- 
recht V, Elector of Bavaria [47]; Charles I of England 
[48; 49], Christina of Sweden [50-5Z]; Louis XIV of 
France [53; 54] and Philip IV of Spain [55]. In France 
and England, powerful court figures were also active as 
collectors (for example, Richelieu [56], Mazarin [57; 
58] (Fig. 4), J.-B. Colbert [59], N. Foucquet [60] in 
France; the Earl of Arundel [61], and the Duke of Buk- 
kingham [6z] in England). They were able to make use 
of diplomatic channels in Constantinople, Rome, and 
Venice to build up their antiquities collections rapidly 
and on a large scale. They also employed their own 
agents, who searched for statues in Greece and Asia 
Minor. In addition to Rome, Venice also played an 
important role in the procurement of ancient sculptures 


destined for Germany, England, and the Netherlands 
[63]. The representative function of sculptures then 
caused them to be almost completely restored. Here the 
gallery emerged as a new form of exhibition, enabling 
the presentation of a large number of sculptures in a 
unified manner. [64]. 

Also the Republic of Venice exhibited the sculptures 
bequeathed by Domenico and Giovanni Grimani pub- 
licly in a gallery ( statuario pubblico) that was connected 
to the Biblioteca Marciana [65]. In the Netherlands, a 
number of antiquities collections of the haute bourgeo- 
isie came into existence [66]; most of these, however, 
were short-lived. Despite the striking increase in antiq- 
uities collections, ancient statues once again became 
problematic for religious and political reasons (Refor- 
mation, Counter-reformation, Puritanism). In England 
this led, around the middle of the 17th cent., to the 
dissolution of all significant antiquities collections, and 
in France to the partial destruction of Mazarin’s collec- 

5. The Age of Enlightenment 

The antiquities collections of the 18th cent, stood 
completely under the sign of the English ‘milords’ 
(milordi) [1; 67-69]. Whereas English collections of the 
17th cent, had been connected with the royal courts, it 
was now the aristocrats, concerned to maintain their 
distance from the crown, who set up antiquities collec- 
tions on their country estates. Their emergence usually 
followed a well-established course: in the context of 
their ‘grand tour’, the young Lords visited Rome, where 
alongside the famous galleries they were also shown the 
offerings of art dealers. English art agents in Rome (G. 
Hamilton, Th. Jenkins [70]) obtained ancient sculp- 
tures from excavations or from old Roman collections, 
had them restored, and organized their export. Numer- 
ous antiquities collections thus appeared in England in 
quick succession. English collectors were often in close 
contact with each other. Many were members of the 
-» Society of Dilettanti, which also backed ar- 
chaeological explorations in Greece and Asia Minor. 

The picture at Rome itself changed in the course of 
the 18th cent. [71]: a few well-known collections were 
dissolved (Mattei, Montalto Negroni), whereby many 
pieces came to England; other collections left as a whole 
(1728 A. Chigi to Dresden; 1780-88 A. Medici to Flo- 
rence; 1787 A. Farnese to Naples; later, in 1808, A. 
Borghese to Paris). At the same time, at the initiative of 
the Popes, the Capitoline Museum (1734) (-> Rome, 
Capitoline Museum), and the Museo Pio-Clementino at 
the Vatican (since 1769; -> Rome, Vatican Museums) 
came into being. The Cardinal Alessandro Albani’s 
(-> Rome, Villa Albani) elaborately staged antiquities 
collection gained wide renown, and was given addition- 
al radiance by the activity of J. J. Winckelmann [72]. 

The model of English art collections was most of all 
imitated in Northern Europe: near the end of the 18th 
cent., similarly conceived antiquities collections arose 
in Germany (for example Worlitz [73] ), Poland (for ex- 
ample, Arkadia/Nieborow [74; 75]) and Russia. 


6. Future Prospects 

The establishment of the ->■ Louvre as a National 
museum has, since 1792, created a new model of antiq- 
uities collections. In the following years, similarly ambi- 
tious national museums came into being in many coun- 
tries; moreover, in many places were municipal collec- 
tions, which included large antiquities sections. In con- 
trast to these large politically-driven projects, carried 
out energetically and with substantial means, the sig- 
nificance of private antiquities collections declined rap- 
idly and irrevocably. Nevertheless, significant antiq- 
uities collections continued to be started from time to 
time, even until most recent times. Thanks to the phil- 
anthropic attitude of their founders, many of them were 
transferred in one way or another to public museums. 

C. Categories of Collections 

Despite the individual character of many antiquities 
collections, categories may be formed on the basis of the 
various intentions underlying the collections [76]. Pub- 
licly displayed antiquities have been known since the 
Middle Ages (see above). In such cases collections came 
into being more or less accidentally, usually as the result 
of accumulations of fragments of statues. The earliest 
examples of deliberately compiled antiquities collecti- 
ons were closely connected with attempts to legitima- 
tize authority through reference to Antiquity. The an- 
tiquities collection on the Capitol received a new qual- 
ity through the donation of Sixtus IV in the year 1471 
(see above), which became the seedbed of the Capito- 
line Museums. Through foundations and the conver- 
sion of private antiquities collections, public museums 
came into existence, soon eagerly visited by travelers, in 
Venice ( statuario pubblico), Florence (-* Uffizi Gal- 
lery) and Verona (Museo Maffeiano). 

Until the late 18th cent., aristocratic and royal col- 
lections represented the most important, frequent, and 
sumptuous group of antiquities collections. Here, an- 
cient sculptures often formed only a part of the collec- 
tions, which might also include paintings, gems, coins, 
etc. They were frequently combined with modern antiq- 
uities: copies of bronze, tin, stone or plaster, which re- 
produced the famous masterpieces in Florence or Rome 
[77]. Decorative statues were regarded as a representa- 
tion form of the rulers, so that they were mainly used on 
facades, and in areas for formal representation and 
reception. Their integration into ostentatious architec- 
ture led to the fact that aristocratic antiquities collecti- 
ons, once established, could be maintained over genera- 
tions. Scholars’ collections included inscriptions, coins, 
gems, and minor arts, yet scarcely any sculptures. On 
the other hand, many universities acquired great antiq- 
uities collections in the course of the 18th cent. (Turin 
1723; Leiden 1743, see Fig. 5; Oxford 1755). 

Antiquities collections belonging to artists, who 
were often active as restorers and art dealers, are attest- 
ed since the Renaissance. Whereas P. P. Rubens - al- 
though only for a short time - purchased an extensive 
antiquities collection, his colleagues contented them- 


1 66 


selves with smaller collections. Their possessions in- 
cluded mainly fragments of sculptures, which they were 
able to use as three-dimensional models for their work. 
This same function was often assumed by plaster casts. 
Copies of ancient statues, the study of which served for 
the training of artists, had been gathered since the 17th 
cent, in art academies. 

Collections of members of the bourgeoisie are 
scarcely to be found before the 19th cent. The usually 
short-lived collections of Dutch merchants had a dis- 
tinctive imprint. They presented antiquities lined up 
warehouse-style in intimate domestic settings. 

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tarri, Collezioni archeologiche, in: EAA 2. Suppl. II, 
1994 192-225 80 A. Grote (ed.), Macrocosmos in 

Microcosmo. Die Welt in der Stube: Zur Geschichte des 
Sammelns 1450-1800, 1994 81 K. Pomian, Der 

Ursprung des Museums: Vom Sammeln, 1993 82 D. von 
Bothmer, Greek Vase-Painting: Two Hundred Years of 
Connoisseurship, in: Papers on the Amasis Painter and his 
World, 1987, 184-204 83 J. Chamay, S. H. Aufrere, 

Peiresc (1580-1637). Un precurseur de l’etude des vases 
grecs, in: AK 39, 1996, 38-51 84 P. Zazoff, GuG. 



A. History of the Concept B. DivisionofHis- 
tory into Antiquity, Middle Ages and Mod- 
ern Times 

A. History of the Concept 
The term antiquity originated as a borrowing from 
the French adjective antique. It came to designate, after 
a fairly lengthy semantic development, a historical pe- 
riod (-> Epochs, concept of) that, since the 18th cent, 
is synonymous with the German substantive ‘Altertum’ 
(ancient times) that had been used for centuries to de- 
note Greco-Roman Antiquity. The adjective antique 
(from the Latin antiquus) was introduced into French in 
the 1 6th cent, by the Humanists and at first meant ‘old’ 
and then, since Rabelais, also antique, i.e., referring to 
the ancient world. Already in the Latin of the Early 

Middle Ages antiquus or antiquitas could denote the 
period of Greco-Roman Antiquity (e.g. Beda, temp. rat. 
37,2; Notker Balbulus Gest. 1,28: antiquitas). In Italy 
Dante used the adjective antico in his Convivio (2,5,1), 
written in 1303-1308, to refer to pre-Christian ancient 
history: per difetto d’ammaestramento li antichi la veri- 
tade non videro de le creature spirituali (‘for lack of 
instruction, ancient people did not yet see the truth of 
spiritual creatures’). The noun antichita as a term for 
Antiquity as a historical period first appears around 
1350 in Boccaccio. The French antique as a feminine 
noun has since 1530 referred specifically, unlike in Ital- 
ian, to an ancient work of art [6; 12], and as a masculine 
noun has, in archaeology, signified since the 18th cent, 
the art of Antiquity in general. By way of contrast, the 
noun antiquite (since Montaigne, 1580 [5]) has been 
used to refer to the culture and historical period of the 
ancient world. In German archaeological technical lit- 
erature, Antique accordingly refers to an individual 
work of art from the i6th-i 7th cents. (Hagedorn 1743) 
[1] and then, as a delimiting term, to ancient works of 
sculpture (Winckelmann 1755) [10]. In the 18th cent, 
its usage began to broaden and served as a generic con- 
cept for the style of ancient works of art considered 
worthy of imitation, but it also referred to the totality of 
those works of art (since Heyne 1777) [3]. In 1798/99 
Novalis spoke of the ‘godliness of antiquity’ that is cre- 
ated in the eyes of those who contemplate ancient 
works of art [7]. The adjective antique or antik was 
already used, even before the noun, in connection with 
works of art from Egypt, Greece and Italy (Hagedorn 
1727) ( 4 J; otherwise, ‘old’ took on the function of ‘an- 
tique’. The German noun ‘die Antike’ was considered to 
relate to the adjective antik as ‘breadth’ relates to broad 
[13]. A.W. and F. Schlegel were the first, beginning in 
1796, to expand the usage of ‘antique’ as a contrast to 
‘modern’ [13. 31] to mean the culture of antiquity in 
general and literature in particular [13. 30L]. The cor- 
responding epoch itself was called by F. Schlegel, start- 
ing in 1797, ‘the classical ancient world’ (klassiches 
Altertum ) [13. 33] in the sense of a normative aesthet- 
ics. This conceptual pair (klassisches Altertum) was 
generally disseminated and translated into other lan- 
guages (English: Classical Antiquity, French: antiquite 
classique). Only Greeks and Romans were included in 
this epoch. At the same time, however, in W. v. Hum- 
boldt the concept ‘antiquity’ expresses ‘a special char- 
acteristic of human existence’ and is thus not necessari- 
ly tied to a specific epoch ([9. Vol. VI, 487], 18L9). Yet 
Humboldt, Eichendorff and others contrasted the inner 
posture of pagan Antiquity -as that of a lost paradise-, 
with Christian culture and German folk traditions ([9, 
IV. 83L] 18L3; [2]). The transformation in meaning of 
antiquity from a term referring to a stylistic and generic 
term in art history to one referring more generally to a 
historical period took place gradually in the L9th cent., 
first among art historians (e.g. Liibke and Springer since 
i860 and 1862 [8]). In literary history, antiquity is first 
used to refer to a period of time in W. Scherer’s 




Geschichte der deutschen Literatur (‘History of 
German Literature’, 1883). The concept antiquity, not 
as an example of a culture expressing a normative func- 
tion, but rather a historical period designating, in a his- 
toricist sense, the ancient world as a whole was first 
introduced by Th. Zielinski’s book Die Antike und 
Wir. Vorlesungen (‘Antiquity and Ourselves’ [11]) at 
the beginning of the zoth cent, and thereafter began to 
replace the concept ancient world (‘Altertum’; Stemp- 
linger, Crusius, Immisch). This means that, at the very 
moment when the term ‘antiquity’ subsumed the exist- 
ing concept (classical) ancient world (‘klassisches Alter- 
tum’), the normative effect of that concept was being 
lost [13]. 

-> Period, Era; -> Pompeius, ILL Scbrifsteller und 
Redner [III 3] P. Trogus 

Sources: 1 T. Baden (ed.), Briefe iiber die Kunst von 

und an Christian Ludwig von Hagedorn, Leipzig 1797, z 
und 11 2 J. VON Eichendorff, Das Marmorbild, 1819 
3 Chr. G. Heyne an Chr. G. von Murr, in: Journal zur 
Kunstgeschichte und zur allgemeinen Litteratur, IV, 
Niirnberg 1777, 39 4 G. de Lairesse, Grundlegung zur 
Zeichen-Kunst, (trans.) Chr. L. von Hagedorn, Niirn- 
berg 1727, 52 5 Essais de Michel, seigneur de Mon- 
taigne, III, (Didot) Paris 1802, 120 6 J. Palsgrave, L’es- 
clarcissement de la langue francoise, London 1531, 487 
7 R. Samuel (ed.), Novalis Schriften, I-V, 1960-1988: III, 
469; IV, 274 8 A. Springer, Das Nachleben der Antike 
im Mittelalter, in: Die Grenzboten 1 (1862) 489-499, 25 
9 A. von Sydow (ed.), Wilhelm und Caroline von Hum- 
boldt in ihren Briefen, I-VII, 1906-1916 10 J. J. Winck- 
elmann, Gedanken iiber die Nachahmung der Griechi- 
schen Werke in der Malerey und Bildhauerkunst, Dres- 
den, *1756, 13, 16, 32 11 Th. Zielinski, Die Antike und 
Wir. Vorlesungen, (trans.) E. Schoeler, “1909 

Literature: 12 P. Imbs (ed.), Tresor de la langue fran- 
piise. Dictionnaire de la langue du XIX e et du XX e siecle 
(1789-1960), III, ‘antique,’ 1974, 171 13 W. Muri, Die 
Antike. Untersuchungen iiber Ursprung und Entwicklung 
der Bezeichnung einer geschichtlichen Epoche, in: A&A 7, 
1958, 14 W. Ruegg, Antike als Epochenbegriff, in: MH 
16, 1959, 309-318 15 P. B. Stadler, Wilhelm von Hum- 
boldts Bild der Antike, 1959, 191. 

B. Division of History into Antiquity, 
Middle Ages and Modern Times 
During Antiquity itself, in addition to the mythologi- 
cal theory of the ages of the world, which described a 
decline from the Golden Age through the Silver and 
Bronze Ages to the Iron Age, there was a precursor of a 
historically oriented classification of eras; namely, the 
so-called ‘theory of world empires’ based on the ideas of 
Pompeius Trogus. According to this theory, world his- 
tory was divided into the four great empires, one suc- 
ceeding the other: Assyria, Persia, Macedonia, and 
Rome. The theory of world empires continued to be 
used to some extent until modern times. The fall of the 
Roman Empire and the founding of new states in its 
place did not at first lead to a new conceptual division of 
eras because the newly formed states, especially the 
Germanic ones, sought to preserve the continuity by 

adopting the Christian-Roman culture and Latin as 
their written language. Christian authors, however, did 
distinguish themselves as moderni from the pagan an- 
tique. Cassiodorus in the 6th cent, was the first to do so, 
and then, in like manner, Charlemagne regarding his 
empire;(-+ Querelle des Anciens et des Moder- 
nes). Only with the rise of -*■ Humanism in Italy begin- 
ning in about the 14th cent, did an awareness develop of 
an ancient period ( antiquitas ) and a present epoch sepa- 
rated by a medium aevum or tempus (first in Petrarch 
1373 [8. 245]). Whereas the present (nova aetas) was 
considered, in accordance with a cyclical conception of 
history, to be a resurrection of pagan Greco-Roman 
antiquitas, the period in between was seen as a transi- 
tional period of decay ( media barbaria in Poliziano and 
others). The fact that there was nevertheless no percep- 
tion of a sharp break between ‘Antiquity’ and the 
‘Middle Ages’ can be seen in the description of this 
epoch as media antiquitas in Humanists from Poliziano 
(1484), Beatus Rhenanus (1531) and Vadian (1547) 
through the beginning of the 19th cent. (Grotius 1611; 
Blondel 1654 [8. 245-265]; Humboldt 1813 [3, IV. 
83]). The exact points in time dividing the three epochs 
from one another were for a long time not precisely 
defined. Within the Holy Roman Empire and among 
Catholic historians, the emphasis was rather on the 
continuity between ‘Antiquity’ and the time thereafter 
for political and religous reasons (-» Sacrum Im- 
perium). The three categories of the historical periods 
in the contemporary sense did not find general accept- 
ance until the threshold of the 18th cent, with Cellarius 
[1] [8. 165-175]. According to this division, the transi- 
tion from Antiquity to the Middle Ages occurred during 
the period of time between Constantine the Great and 
the end of the Roman Empire in the West in the 5th 
cent., and the modern era began in the 1 yth-i 6th cents. 
Since the Enlightenment, the victory of Christianity 
with Constantine’s conversion is considered to mark 
specifically the end of Antiquity. This can be seen in 
Holderlin’s model of history [9]. L. v. Ranke defined 
‘ancient times’ as the ‘Greco-Roman world’, i.e., the 
Mediterranean as ‘it had been assembled through con- 
quest’ and ‘united through culture’. The rise of non- 
Roman states through the great migrations and the 
Arab invasion, the uniting of the Roman-Germanic 
world, the end of Rome as the centre of things and the 
victory of Christianity mark the end of Antiquity. The 
‘modern age’ begins when the lack of religious liberty of 
the Middle Ages was overcome and the New World was 
discovered [2]. Determining the exact border between 
Antiquity and the Middle Ages remains both difficult 
and controversial because it depends on the criteria 
used and whether they derive from political or cultural 
considerations, or are based on literary history [7 J . 
Thus the culture of feudalism, for example, has been 
identified with the Middle Ages, while the modern era 
has been defined as beginning when an economy based 
on payment in kind was replaced by early capitalism. 
The division of history into three eras is problematic 


I 7 I 

because of its geographical restriction to Western Euro- 
pean cultural areas as the continuation of Latin Anti- 

Sources: 1 Ch. Cellarius, Historia universalis, Jena 
1704-8 2 L. von Ranke, Geschichte des Mittelalters, 

Vorlesungen 1840/41, in: Id., Aus Werk und Xa chi a is, 
Vol. 4, 1975, 140-143 3 A. von Sydow (ed.), Wilhelm 
und Caroline von Humboldt in ihren Briefen, I- VII, 1 906- 

Literature: 4 W. Freund, Modernus und andere Zeit- 
begriffe des Mittelalters, 1957 S H. Gunther, Neuzeit, 
Mittelalter, Altertum, in: Historisches Worterbuch der 
Philosophic 6, 78Z-798 6 P. E. Hubinger (ed.), Zur 

Frage der Periodengrenze zwischen Altertum und Mittle- 
alter, 1969 7 H.-D. Kahl, Was bedeutet ‘Mittelalter’?, 
in: Saeculum 40, 1989, 15-38 8 U. Neddermeyer, Das 
Mittelalter in der deutschen Historiographie vom 15. bis 
zum 18. Jahrhundert, 1988 9 P. Szondi, Holderlins Brief 
an Bohlendorff vom 4. Dez. 1801, in: Eupborion 58, 
1964, 260-275 

Additional Bibliography: Alejandro Coroleu, 
On the Awareness of the Renaissance, in: II latino nell’eta 
deirUmanesimo (ed.) G. B. Perini, Z004, 3-15; W. Goez, 
Translatio imperii. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des 
Geschichtsdenkens und der politischen Theorien im Mit- 
telalter und der friihen Neuzeit, 1958; T. E. Mommsen, 
Petrarch’s Conception of the ’Dark Ages’, in: Speculum 
17, 194Z, ZZ6-Z4Z; T. E. Mommsen, St. Augustine and 
the Christian Idea of Progress, in: Journal of the History of 
Ideas iz, 1951, 346-374. peter kuhlmann 

Antiquity, Romance set in see -> Epic, -> Adapta- 

Anti-Semitism see > Judaism 

Aphorism The short, pithy form of the aphorism holds, 
in its core, the potential togo beyond the bounds of any 
system. Consequently, in recent scholarship less em- 
phasis has been placed on the pointed wording [ 1 J as the 
main characteristic of the aphorism, than on the inher- 
ent conflict between the singular and the general, be- 
tween the sensual and the intellect [9. 829ff.]. The 
aphorism is defined by a ‘thinking in fractures’. It is 
‘nonconformist’ [6. 7 f.], which also gives it its its special 
licence. In the modern age, the aphorism can be con- 
ceived of as a ‘form of playing’ or a ‘playing with con- 
cepts’ [2. 22ft; 3. 99L], i.e. as an instrument to explore 
the scope between thinking and the self in society. Thus, 
it often employs rhetorical figures of contradiction, 
such as paradox, antithesis, paronomasia, antinomia 
and contrafacture, but it is also close to the joke and to 
irony |i2. i88ff.; 2. nqff.; 3. 99ft; 8. 305ff.]. As a 
witty idea, and in contrast to the proverb, it seeks to 
distance itself from common usage [12. 248L; 4. 
i4off.]. The aphorism is marked by its ‘contextual iso- 
lation’ [4. 10] . It exists on its own, which makes it ca- 
pable of being quoted. Whoever cites it, partakes of the 
social prestige of the invention and of the enigmatic 
nimbus of the aphorism as an ‘oracle’ (La Bruyere) [11. 


m6f.]. The aphorism, like F. Schlegel’s ‘fragment’, is 
complete unto itself ‘like a hedgehog’ (F. Schlegel, 
‘Fragmente’, Athenaum. Eine Zeitschrift von August 
Wilhelm Schlegel und Friedrich Schlegel. Vol. I/2, 1798, 
230), but it often appears in ‘swarms of aphorisms’ [9. 
829], in collections or in diary-like notebooks such as 
G.Ch. Lichtenberg’s Sndelbiicher. 

The aphorism adopted from Hippocrates and Taci- 
tus (on the history of the term, cf. [1; 8. 215]) experi- 
ences its Golden Age in Spain and France in the 17th 
cent, and in England and Germany in the 18th cent. [4]. 
An independent literary genre and a specific aphoristic 
style evolves in combination with the aphoristic style 
derived from Seneca and the Horacian dictum aut pro- 
desse aut delectare. Up until quite recently, two tenden- 
cies prevailed: on the one hand, an ethical/moral subject 
matter; on the other, an attitude critical of metaphysics 
and knowledge. Under the influence of the Spanish 
reception of Tacitus, in B. Gracian’s Oraculo manual, 
the dramatization of the intelligent, quick-witted self, 
as it is also demanded by B. Castiglione in II Cortegiano 
(‘The Courtier’), becomes a yardstick for measuring 
social status [8. 413ft]. In his Maximes et reflexions, 
the French moralist La Rochefoucauld develops the 
aphorism from the conversations of the drawing-room 
culture, on whose ethical foundations he reflects ironi- 
cally at the same time. La Bruyere, Chamfort, Montes- 
quieu and Vauvenargues continue in the moralistic vein 
[5. 33ft]. Goethe’s maxims, Lichtenberg’s satirical 
aphorisms and Schopenhauer’s Aphorismen zur 
Lebensweisheit (‘The Wisdom of Life’ ] and 

‘Counsels and Maxims’ [“1891], trans. by T. Bailey 
Saunders)can be counted among them, as well as the 
sharp-tongued, socio-critical aphorisms of K. Kraus in 
the 20th cent. In the Anglo-Saxon world, O. Wilde, M. 
Twain and G.B. Shaw can be named as representatives 
of the ethical tradition [7. 311, 319ft]. Humanist and 
existentialist variants can be found in the 20th cent, in 
E.M. Cioran and A. Camus. 

Based on Erasmus and F. Bacon, the aphorism that is 
critical of knowledge and has the power to explode the 
system is brought forward, for instance, in B. Pascal’s 
Pensees as an open form of theodicy, in Lichtenberg’s 
rationalism as a rupture in positivistic thinking, but also 
in in the contemplation of aesthetic principles in the 
relation between poetics and philosophy by F. Schlegel 
and Novalis. In the 20th cent., R.M. Rilke and Paul 
Valery [5. i6off., 257ft] continue the aesthetic self-re- 
flection within the genre of aphorism. As ‘fractured 
knowledge’ [8. 27], the aphorism is also the appropriate 
form of expression for F. Nietzsche’s critique of meta- 
physics [6. 76ff.]. In the 20th cent., the aphorism shows 
an affinity towards being absorbed by the aphoristic 
style that is related to the essay, as in R. Musil [10. 
69ft]. At the same time, a return of gnomic forms is 
noticeable in surrealism and in ‘image aphorism’, e.g. in 
R. Char [5. 103ft]. The boundaries to experimental 
literature and to the joke now become doubtful, where - 
as already in Lichtenberg’s Hofbandit (Court Bandit) - 




the conflict so essential to the aphoristic form is reduced 
to compounds [3. 48f.]. Ultimately, the modern age 
questions the very consistency of the literary genre: P. 
Valery proposes the phantasy term ‘rhumb’ [2. 47] as a 
new name for the ‘family resemblances’ of the aphorism 
[3. 189]. The apophthegm, an often historically found- 
ed saying that is ascribed to a public figure and related 
to the anecdote, and the gnome as a maxim couched in 
verse form or rhythmic prose, also belong to this family. 
In contrast to the original idea and the exceptional na- 
ture of the aphorism, the sententia is allocated to the 
realm of rhetoric and considered to be generally valid 
and of an authoritative character. As a rule of life it 
emphasizes the ethical aspect, much like the rather in- 
dividual maxim that is often used as a synonym for 
aphorism in French. Designations such as pensee, 
‘splinters of thought’ and ‘reflection’ accentuate the 
theoretical aspect of the aphorism. A vulgarized form of 
the quotation-like aphorism is the proverb. Joke and 
riddle ultimately resolve the tension inherent in apho- 
rism, whereas the fragment and the essay continue its 
openness in narrative form. 

-> Chreia; -> Gnome 
-> Dicta 

1 H. A. Gartner, s.v. Aphorismos, DNP 1, 834!. 2 G. 

Febel, Aphoristik in Deutschland und Frankreich, 1985 
3 S. Felder, Der Aphorismus, 1990 4 H. Fricke, Apho- 

rismus, 1984 5 W. Helmich, Der moderne franzosische 

Aphorismus, 1991 6 FI. Kruger, Uber den Aphorismus 

als philosophische Form, 1988 7 L. R. Lind, The Apho- 

rism, in: Classical and Modern Literature 14/4, 1994, 
311-322 8 G. Neumann (ed.), Der Aphorismus, 1976 

9 Id., Ideenparadiese, 1976 10 P. C. Pfeiffer, Aphoris- 
mus und Romanstruktur, 1990 11 FI. Schlaffer, 

Aphorismus und Konversation, in: Merkur 573, 1 996, 
1114-1121 12 K.v. Welser, Die Sprache des Aphoris- 

mus, 1986 

Additional Bibliography: P. Sinclair, Tacitus the 
Sententious Flistorian: A Sociology of Rhetoric in Annales 
1-6, 1995; J. Geary, The World in a Phrase: A Brief His- 
tory of the Aphorism, 2005. GISELA FEBEL 

Apollonian/Dionysian The polarity between Apollo 
and Dionysus and the phenomena linked with these 
gods was introduced into modern aesthetic discussion 
by Friederich Nietzsche. Nietzsche understood the ‘du- 
plicity of Apollo and Dionysus’ as a fundamental oppo- 
sition of Greek aesthetics: An ihre (sc. der Griecben) 
beiden Knnstgottheiten, Apollo und Dionysus, kniipft 
sick unsere Erkenntnis, da /? in der griech. Welt ein unge- 
beurer Gegensatz, nacb Ursprung und Zielen, zw. der 
Kunst des Bildners, der apollinischen, und der unbild- 
lichen Kunst der Musik, als der des Dionysus, bestebt 
(‘it is by those two art-sponsoring deities, Apollo and 
Dionysus, that we are made to recognize the tremen- 
dous split, as regards both origins and objectives, be- 
tween the plastic, Apollonian arts and the nonvisual art 
of music inspired by Dionysus’, The Birth of Tragedy, 
Chap. 1). In the process, Nietzsche adds further pairs of 
opposites to this polarity: night and day, dream and 

intoxication, visual and emotional. In this polarity, 
Nietzsche links the opposition between the plastic arts 
and the musical, which had been important since 
Romantic aesthetics and which Schopenhauer, for in- 
stance, had set up as the principle of dividing the arts as 
such, with the names of the two Greek gods. 

Their relation was by no means unambiguous in an- 
cient theological speculation, especially during the pe- 
riod of the Empire; yet they were occasionally brought 
into relation with one another. Thus, as two forms of 
the sun-god, they could be regarded as ultimately iden- 
tical (Macrobius, Sat., l, 18, 1, with reference to Ps.- 
Aristotle Tbeologoumena ) while at the same time 
Apollo could be distinguished as the daytime sun, and 
Dionysius as the nighttime sun of the Underworld (ibid. 
1, 18, 8). The opposition alluded to in this differentia- 
tion takes on central importance in Delphic theology, 
which places Apollo and Dionysus in opposition to one 
another (Plut. De E 9). Neoplatonic speculation adopt- 
ed the opposition as that between creative division 
(Dionysus) and creative, harmonic unification 
(Apollo), to which the allegorical interpretation of the 
Orphic myth of Dionysus also contributed (Proclus, In 
Platonis Timaeum 35 b, vol. 2, p. 197 Diehl). Unlike 
other Neoplatonic concepts, this one was not really 
taken up in the Renaissance, yet Friedrich Creuzer, in 
particular, returned to the Neoplatonic exegesis of 
Orpheus and spoke of the ‘opposition of the religion of 
Apollo and Bacchus’, which includes an opposition be- 
tween solar and darkly ecstatic conceptions of religion, 
reconciled in another ‘School of Orphics’. F. Chr. Baur 
and J. J. Bachofen followed Creuzer. On the one hand, 
Bachofen went back beyond Creuzer to take up the 
opposition between the nocturnal solar god Dionysus 
and the day god Apollo of Late Antiquity, and set up 
Dionysus-as feminine-substantial and chthonic against 
a masculine-spiritual, celestial Apollo-in his evolution- 
ary scheme (‘Das Mutterrecht - [An English Transla- 
tion of Bachofen’s Mutterrecht (Mother right) (1861): 
A Study of the Religious and Juridical Aspects of Gyne- 
cocracy in the Ancient World’, abridged and translated 
by David Partenheimer, 2003J). Nonetheless, he held 
fast to the coexistence of both as world-rulers, basing 
his view on the Neoplatonic interpretation of Orpheus 
( Die Unsterblichkeitslehre der orpbiscben Theologie, 
repr. 1967). Baur, on the other hand, understood both 
(based ultimately on Plato’s doctrine of mania in the 
Fbaedrus), as being linked to two kinds of ecstasy: pure 
spiritual contemplation (Apollo) and the sensual 
‘drunken ecstasy’. When he likewise linked two kinds of 
music and poetry with both [gods] - the harmony of 
poetry versus the rapture of the dithyramb - he pre- 
pared the way for the musical-poetic categorization set 
forth by Nietzsche’s academic teacher Friedrich Ritschl, 
according to which Apollo was connected with Greco- 
Dorian stringed-instrument music, and Dionysus with 
un-Greek, Phrygian flute music. This opposition, which 
Nietzsche presupposed, became a commonplace in clas- 
sical studies. However, no influence between Nietzsche 
and Bachofen should probably be assumed. 


J 75 

In the following period, the pair of contraries coined 
by Nietzsche played a much larger role outside philo- 
logical research than it did within. In particular, 
German literature, beginning with the turn of the cen- 
tury, took it up in ever-new metamorphoses. However, 
even classical philology could not completely escape 
Nietzsche’s coinage, insofar, for instance, as Apollo 
was understood as ‘the most Hellenic of all the gods’, 
or, in a fruitful transcendence of earlier opinions, the 
Dionysian was seen ‘as a mighty, ultimate source of that 
which is Greek’ (W.F. Otto). 

-> Apollo; -> Dionysus 

-> Ancient languages, teaching of 

1 S. Barbera, Das Apollinische und Dionysiche. Einige 
nicht-antike Quellen bei Nietzsche, in: D. W. Conway, R. 
Rhen (eds.), Nietzsche und die andke Philosophie, 1992. 

2 H. Cancik, Der Einflufi Friedrich Nietzsches auf Klas- 

sische Philologen in Deutschland bis 194 5, in: H. Flashar 
(ed.), Altertumswissenschaft in den 2oer Jahren. Neue 
Fragen und Impulse, 1995, 381-402 3 A. Henrichs, 

Loss of Self, Suffering, Violence. The Modern View of 
Dionysos from Nietzsche to Girard, in: HSPh 86, 1982, 
206-240 4 M. Landfester, (ed.), in: F. Nietzsche, Die 
Geburt der Tragodie, 1994, 486-492 and 521-530. 


Apologos see-> Fable 
Apophtegm see-> Aphorism 

Apotheosis Although apotheosis as such contradicts 
the principle of monotheism and therefore cannot occur 
in Christianity, Christian society from the time of Con- 
stantine found ways to maintain the elevation of the 
ruler above the mortal plane and into the sphere of di- 
vinity. In addition, individual forms of apotheosis can 
be observed again and again, intended either to corre- 
spond precisely to this need or to exemplify Christ’s 
ascension. A type of the latter, which shows Christ be- 
ing wafted away in a mandorla, flanked by two angels 
(reliquary, Jerusalem, 7th/8th cent., Vatican, Museo 
Sacro; ivory, Metz, c. 1000, Paris, Lv Inv. no. OA 6000: 
Reichenauer Evangelary, nth cent., Kupferstichkabi- 
nett der Staatlichen Museum Preussischer Kulturbesitz 
Cod. 78A2; cover page of the Evangelary of Abbess 
Theophanu, Stift Essen, Treasury; Spiez, apse of the ro- 
manesque castle church; Barnaba da Modena, Ascen- 
sion, 14th cent., Rome, KM) goes back to the represen- 
tation of the divinized Roman emperor in a medallion, 
flanked by two winged figures (ivory from 306, Con- 
stantine, Paris, LV) continued in Byzantine imperial 
diptychs of the 6th cent. (Basel, Historisches Museum; 
Paris, LV; Milan, Castell Sforzesco [19 nr. 48-50]), and 
ultimately to the kind of representation of the apotheo- 
sis of Antoninus Pius and Faustina, without a medal- 
lion, but in the same arrangement between two flying 
eagles (base of the column of Antoninus Pius from 161, 
Rome, VM). This type was transferred to the Assump- 
tion of Mary (cf. Florence, S. Maria del Fiore, Porta 


della Mandorla, 1414-1421) and later served for the 
representation of the resurrection or ascension of ordi- 
nary mortals, for instance, c. 1100, on the sarcophagus 
of Dona Sancha in Jaca [6]. More frequent in the West- 
ern cultural sphere was the representation of the hand 
of God, raising Christ skywards [i5.27of.]. 

The emperor Constantine, who sought to maintain 
his status through recourse to Christianity, like his di- 
vine predecessors, drives in the representations of his 
consecration coins a quadriga towards heaven, but is 
simultaneously seized by a divine hand. The obligatory 
eagle-flight was abandoned, and finally Constantine’s 
mortal remains, uncremated, were buried, according to 
Christian custom [12. 518-523]. Constantine found his 
tomb ‘amid the Apostles’, probably as the 13th Apostle 
[13]. Eusebius knew how to replace the peculiar status 
of the Roman emperor as divus with that of a Vicarius 
Dei divus of the one God, who shares in the heavenly 
Kingdom (De laudibus Constantini 3,4-5; 5,1). 

Henceforth, Christian rulers legitimized themselves 
as vicarii Christi or Vicarii Dei (in particular Charle- 
magne), as alter Christus and C hristus Domini. Their 
status with regard to the people remained peculiar: 
around 1100, the Norman Anonymous, like Eusebius, 
conceived of the king as Dens per gratiam; that is, by the 
grace of God like unto God [io.69f.]. Landulfus Sagax 
remarked with regard to Augustus, that he was not 
undeservedly considered to be particularly like God (7, 
21). Following Exodus 7:1, Innocent III designated the 
Pope as vicarius Iesu Christi, successor Petri, Christus 
domini, Deus Pharaonis, and saw himself as standing 
between God and mankind, and could only be judged 
by God alone (4,294!'. = PL 217, 657C-658A). Emper- 
or Frederick II compared himself with Christ, and was 
designated by his chancellor as an ‘imperial Christ’ 
1 4 .4 3 3 ] . Pope Boniface VIII, who understood himself as 
Christ on earth and God of gods [4.433], was accused 
of black magic and of leading people into idolatry, 
among other reasons because of his statues 1 16.73]. 

One current of transmission, from Suetonius via Isi- 
dore of Seville down to Petrus Diaconus - another runs 
from Suetonius through Orosius, Historiarum adversus 
paganos 6,22,4, to Otto von Freising, Chronica 3,4 - 
knew of Augustus’s refusal of apotheosis, although it 
was not reported that he meant this to apply only to his 
lifetime. According to the Mirabilia Urbis Romae, 
Augustus acknowledged Christ’s lordship after Mary 
appeared to him with her child, and he therefore 
declined his apotheosis [18]. 

Louis XIV of France was designated as the living 
image of God [5.21, 55, 63], which can probably al- 
ready to be assigned to the domain of allegory. Whereas 
the occasional designation of the medieval ruler as 
divus (-> Ruler) utilized ancient imperial titles, and 
with that an element of Emperor-apotheosis (Dante to 
Henry VII; [4. 324]; Carmen de gestis Frederici I. in 
Lombardia, v. 71, for Frederick Barbarossa), identifi- 
cations with ancient gods during the Middle Ages (for 
instance Jupiter and Apollo in [2] ), and especially in the 

J 77 



Baroque must be considered as allegories. Thus, Louis 
XIV was represented as the Sun, Apollo, Jupiter, Her- 
cules, and Neptune [5. 39, 46, 137] and also as hurling 
thunderbolts in a Roman war-chariot, accompanied by 
Minerva, Hercules, Gloria and Victoria [5. in]. 

Not only were pagan elements of the exaltation of 
mortals maintained along with the victorious march of 
Christianity, but also a general need for ‘divine men’ 
was met. A. Angenendt speaks persuasively of a ‘struc- 
tural kinship’ and ‘analogy’ between Greek heroes and 
Christian saints [3. 22]. Whereas the reasons for the 
exaltation of gentle martyrs must have been alien to 
pagan thought, the holy rulers, lawgivers (Stephen the 
Holy of Hungary) and warriors who were soon to 
follow them thoroughly resembled ancient divine men 
and divinized humans in their function for the dynasty. 
They were not merely elevated above the mass of mor- 
tals, but differed from them essentially, through the im- 
mortality they achieved. If [2. 50, v. 1605, 233] Frede- 
rick II was designated as living eternally, so were 
prominent ancestors considered as saints, long before 
formal papal canonizations, e.g. in Serbia [9], Norway 
(Olaf, who fell in battle in 1030, died, similarly to Knut 
of Denmark, of a spear wound like Christ, and was 
known as rex perpetuus, [8. 2 8 1 ff . J ) and Bohemia 
(Wenzel was considered an eternal prince of the land, 
[7. 340]). Through their living on after death, they 
thereby ensured for their descendants the necessary 
sacral aggrandizement and continuity. A proper proce- 
dure of canonization was in use among the Holy Em- 
perors of the medieval Roman Empire, so for Henry II 
by Pope Eugene III (1146), and for Charlemagne at the 
instigation of Emperor Frederick Barbarossa (1165). 
To a certain extent, burial in proximity to saints re- 
placed, as it had already done for Constantine, the 
eagles’ flight of the Roman emperors’ apotheosis. In the 
process, a particular sanctifying force is ascribed to the 
tomb of the holy first ancestor, as it was to Alexander 
the Great for the Diadochs. Last not least, a more mod- 
ern relative of a ruler’s apotheosis can be found in the 
neo-classical fresco on the rotunda of the US Capitol, 
The Apotheosis of George Washington, painted in 1856 
by Constantino Brumidi. 

-► Consecratio; -> Ruler; -> Ruler cult 

Sources: 1 Landulfus Sagax, Historia Romana, A. 

Crivellucci (ed.), 2 vols. 1912L 2 Petrus de Ebulo, 

Liber ad honorem Augusti sive de rebus Siculis, Th. Kol- 
zer, M. Stahli (eds.), 1994 

Literature: 3 A. Angenendt, Heilige und Reliquien, 
1994 4 K. Burdach, Briefwechsel des Cola di Rienzo 1, 

1913-28 5 P. Burke, Ludwig XIV., ”1996 Sj. Enge- 

mann, s.v. Apotheosis, in: Lexikon des Mittelalters 1, 
80 if. 7 A. Gieysztor, Politische Heilige im hochmit- 

teralterlichen Polen und Bohmen, in: [14. 325-341] 8 E. 

Hoffmann, Politische Heilige in Skandinavien und die 
Entwicklung der drei nordischen Reiche und Volker, in: 
[14. 277-324] 9 F. Kampfer, Herrscher, Stifter, Heili- 

ger: Politische Heiligenkulte bei den orthodoxen Siidsla- 
ven, in: [14.423-445] 10 E. H. Kantorowicz, Die 

zwei Korper des Konigs, (1957) 1990 (Eng. The King’s 

Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval Political Theology, 
1 I 957] 1 990) 11 L. Koep (A. Hermann), s.v. Conse- 

cratio II, Reallexikon fur Antike und Christentum 3, 284- 
294 12 L. Koep, Die Konsekrationsmiinzen Kaiser Kon- 

stantins und ihre religionspolitischen Bedingungen, in: A. 
Wlosok (ed.), Romische Kaiserkult 1978, 509-527, first 
published in: JbAC 1, 94-104 13 R. Krautheimer, Zu 

Konstantins Apostelkirche in Konstantinopel, in: id., Aus- 
gewahlte Aufsatze, 1988, 81-90 (orig. in: A. Stuiber und 
A. Hermann, Mullus. Festschrift Theodor Klauser, 1964) 
14 J. Petersohn (ed.), Politik und Heiligenverehrung im 
Hochmittelalter, 1994 IS A. A. Schmid, s.v. Himmel- 
fahrt Christi, in: Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie 2, 
268-276 16 T. Schmidt, Der Bonifaz-Prozefi, 1989 

17 A. F. Segal, Heavenly Ascent in Hellenistic Judaism, 
Early Christianity and their Environment, in: ANRW II 
23.2, 1333-1394 18 J. Strothmann, Kaiser und Senat, 

1998 19 W. F. Volbach, Elfenbeinarbeiten der Spat- 

antike und des friihen Mittelaters, 1976. ME.SCH. 

Arabic Medicine 

A. Origins B. Translations before AD 700 
C. The Age of Hunain D. The Translations 
E. Arabic Galenism F. Criticism G. Yunani 

A. Origins 

By AD 500, Greek medicine had become largely Ga- 
lenic -* Galenism. Alternative medical theories no 
longer flourished, and even pragmatists like Alexander 
of Tralles did not reject Galenic ideas entirely. In Alex- 
andria, and elsewhere in the Byzantine world that fol- 
lowed Alexandrian traditions, e.g. Ravenna, there was 
a teaching syllabus of Galen, the so-called 16 books - 
Summaria Alexandrinorum, and of Hippocrates that 
was commented upon by lecturers who expected of 
their audience also a grasp of Aristotelian philosophy. 
A division thus grew up between formal medicine, ex- 
pressed in terms of books studied, and other types of 
healing. Those who had studied formal medicine were 
increasingly reluctant to call those who had not ‘doc- 

B. Translations before AD 700 

The first translations of medical texts from Greek 
into a vernacular language of the Middle East were 
done by the priest-doctor Sergius of Resaena (d. 536), 
who translated at least 37 works of Galen into Syriac, 
five of them twice, as well as other non-Galenic medical 
tracts. Other Greek medical writings may also have 
been translated into Pahlavi at about the same time, 
while David Anhacht (c. 500), who had studied in 
-> Alexandria, conveyed Galenic medical ideas in his 
Armenian philosophical writings. [1] Authors, writing 
in Syriac, also further developed Galen’s medicine 
either in specific tracts, e.g. that by Sergius on dropsy, 
or in large compendia of general medicine, like the Pan- 
dects of Ahrun or those of Theodokos (7th cent.). This 
medicine was far more sophisticated and wide-ranging 
that that practised by the Muslim Arab conquerors 



themselves in the 7th cent., and it is not surprising that 
Christian physicians and a Christianised Galenic medi- 
cine continued to hold sway for several centuries. 

C. The Age of Hunain 

Information is scanty, however, before the 9th cent. 
Then, with the strong encouragement of caliphs like 
al-Ma’mun (d. 833) and wealthy courtiers, like Djibril 
ibn Bakhtishu’ (d. 827), himself a doctor and a (poor) 
translator, a massive wave of translations occurred, 
usually first into Syriac, and then into Arabic. The lead- 
ing spirit in this was Hunain ibn Ishaq (d. 873 ), assisted 
by his son Ishaq (d. 910), and his nephew Hubaish (d. c. 
900), working in Baghdad, but there were others like 
TheophilosofEdessa (d. 785) and JobofEdessa (Ayyub 
al-Ruhawi, d. after 832), who were active elsewhere, 
especially in the largely Christian frontier region of 
Northern Syria. By 900, over 129 treatises of Galen 
were available in Arabic, some of them in several differ- 
ent versions, including works on logic and philosophy 
as well as on medicine. [2] A smaller proportion of the 
Hippocratic Corpus was translated into Syriac or Ara- 
bic, sometimes only indirectly via the lemmata to 
Galen’s commentaries, but the Arabs possessed more 
works by Rufus of Ephesus than survive today, as well 
as the encyclopedists of Late Antiquity, Oreibasius, 
Aetius, and Paulus, and a variety of productions by late 
Alexandrian writers like Palladius. [3,4,5] Dioscorides 
and those authors writing on physiognomy and agricul- 
ture were also available in Arabic. The Summaria Alex- 
andrinorum were also translated into Syriac and into 
Arabic (and, much later, into Hebrew, by Shimson ben 
Shlomo in 1322). From Arabic, in turn, translations 
were made into Armenian (9th/ioth cents.), Pahlavi, 
and Hebrew (e.g. by Samuel ibn Tibbon, fl. 1200), and, 
front the late nth cent, onwards, into Latin. There is 
even a report that some of Galen was translated, or at 
least transcribed, from Arabic into Chinese. [6] 

D. The Translations 

The quality of the translations by Hunain and his 
school in the 9th cent, is remarkably high. Hunain him- 
self in his Risala detailed his own careful methods of 
collation and translation, preferring to keep the sense of 
a passage rather than the exact word order, and at times 
confessing his inability to translate a word because of its 
rarity and its lack of context. Wherever possible, 
Hunain followed closely the Greek, only making occa- 
sional modifications to avoid offending religious sensi- 
bilities or to omit some of Galen’s etymological com- 
ments that would be meaningless in Arabic. How far his 
methods were followed elsewhere is unclear, since 
many of the translations of others have been lost, but 
one should not necessarily believe Hunain’s dismissive 
descriptions of his competitors’ abilities. Modern histo- 
rians of ancient medicine depend on these versions in a 
variety of ways. [7] (-+ Medicine) Some ancient writ- 
ings survive only in Arabic or Hebrew, e.g. Galen’s 
treatise De examinando medico or his commentary on 


the Hippocratic treatise ‘On the Environment’. Others, 
no longer extant in full, are cited in part by Arabic or 
Jewish authors, e.g. Rufus of Ephesus’ writing on mel- 
ancholy in the adaptation of Ishaq ibn Imran (d. 907), 
or Galen’s work on the avoidance of grief as found in 
the version by ibn Aknin (fl. 1300). other works, like 
Galen’s treatises on the eye, formed the basis for subse- 
quent development in Arabic authors, although what is 
development and what represents the Greek original is 
not clear. Even when the Greek survives, the Arabic 
often permits a view of the text, thanks to the remark- 
able accuracy of Hunain and his school, at an earlier 
and often less corrupt stage in the process of -> trans- 

E. Arabic Galenism 

Most significant is the overall Galenic nature of 
formal Arabic medicine. Galen’s perspective dominated 
all others, and its monotheistic ideas on causation and 
purpose made it attractive to Jews, Christians, and 
Muslims alike, even if they rejected some of Galen’s 
own doubts about the nature of God or creation. Learn- 
ed doctors studied Galen with their masters, following 
the Alexandrian syllabus, and it is no coincidence that 
many of the great names in Arabic and Jewish medicine, 
like Ibn Sina (Avicenna, 98 o?-io 37) and Moses ben 
Maimon (Maimonides, 1138-1204) were, like Galen, 
famous as philosophers as much as doctors. But the 
sheer size of the Galenic Corpus, even in translation, 
was daunting. Ibn Ridwan (d. c. 1068) was already un- 
usual in his day for the breadth of his knowledge of 
Galen, and few followed him in his insistence that an 
acquaintance with Galen’s own writings was far more 
beneficial to the practitioner than any reading in subse- 
quent handbooks. His opponent in a celebrated con- 
troversy, Ibn Butlan (d. c. 1068) took a more pragmatic 
line, relying on contemporary writings in the Galenic 
tradition. [8] Both sides had a point. Summaries and 
handbooks were effective in presenting the main out- 
lines of Galen’s theories, but the process of abridgment 
inevitably left out Galen’s hesitations and much of his 
empirical evidence. Authors like al-Majusi (Haly 
Abbas, d. c. 999) and Ibn Sina, above all in his Canon, 
provided logically constructed syntheses that took 
Galen’s ideas, e.g. on the three spirits (-> Pneuma), far 
beyond what he had written. Writers on -> pharma- 
cology and ->■ dietetics, like Ibn Butlan in his ‘Tables 
of Health’, applied Galen’s incomplete theory of differ- 
ent degrees of efficacy of Arabic pharmacology system- 
atically to a wide range of substances. But, while im- 
pressive in their organisation and clarity, these hand- 
books lost some of the energy and immediacy of Galen’s 
original. The best Arabic medicine often begins with a 
Galenic or Hippocratic model, but goes far beyond it. 
Ibn Ridwan’s treatise, ‘On thePrevention of Bodily Ills 
in Egypt’ (eds. A. S Gamal, M W. Dods, 1984), deve- 
lops ideas from the Hippocratic writing on the environ- 
ment; al-Razi ’s (Rhazes, 865-925) treatise on small- 
pox and measles refines Galen’s nosology, while his 



experiments on animals recall those of Galen. The sur- 
geon al-Zahrawi (Albucasis, c. 936-1013) constantly 
proclaims his debt to Galen, while describing many new 
operations and techniques. 

F. Criticism 

Arabic authors saw themselves as building upon sol- 
id foundations. While Galen’s theology and philosophy 
came in for vigorous attack, criticism of the Greeks in 
medical matters took the form of adding new infor- 
mation rather than abandoning the old.[9| Abd-al Latif 
al-Baghdadi’s (d. 12.31) discovery from examining 
skulls that Galen had wrongly described the human jaw 
did not lead to widespread criticism of Galenic anatomy 
- and dissection of humans was almost impossible. [10] 
Ibn al-Nafis (d. iz88) discovered the passage of blood 
from one side of the heart to the other via the lungs by a 
mixture of observation (presumably of an animal heart) 
and meditation on the words of Galen in a thought- 
experiment. Although his discovery, expressed in his 
commentary on Ibn Sina, was often reported in later 
texts, it was merely placed without further comment 
alongside Galen’s alternative theory, and ibn an-Nafis 
himself did not draw further conclusions from it. 

G. Yunani Medicine 

Greek humoralism in Arab dress, Yunani medicine, 
came under attack from religious fundamentalists from 
the 10th cent, on who sought to impose on Muslims the 
so-called Medicine of the Prophet, but it was never en- 
tirely replaced as the primary medicine of the educated 
doctor until the 19th and zoth cents. Western^ Re- 
naissance discoveries in anatomy, physiology and 
Paracelsian medical chemistry were assimilated where 
necessary [ 1 1 ] . Only with the advent of colonialism and 
the imposition of modern Western medicine did Yunani 
medicine come to be seen, at least by the ruling classes, 
as inferior and ineffective, [iz] Nonetheless, as medi- 
ated through Ibn Sina’s ‘Canon of Medicine’, it still 
remains today an important medical tradition in Paki- 
stan and elsewhere in the Muslim world (including in 
Western Europe), and scholars trained in that tradition 
are ready to use the latest of modern Western technol- 
ogy or pharmacochemistry to prove the validity of reci- 
pes and diagnoses that go back to Galen, if not to Hip- 

Anatomy; -> Galen; -> Hippocrates; -> Pharmacol- 
ogy; -> Training (medical) 

-» ->■ Arabic-Islamic Cultural Sphere 

1 M. Ullmann, Die Medizin im Islam, 1970, 17, 19 2 G. 
Strohmaier, Der syrische und arabische Galen, in: 
ANRW 37. z, 1987-2017 3 U. Weisser, Das Corpus 

Hippocraticum in der arabischen Medizin, in: G. Baader, 
R. Winau (eds.), Die hippokratischen Epidemien, 1989, 
377-408 4 M. Ullmann, Die arabische Uberlieferung 

der Schriften des Rufus von Ephesos, in: ANRW 37.2, 
1293-1349 5 Id., Die Schrift des Rufus De infantium 

curatione und das Problem der Autorenlemmata in den 
Collectiones medicae des Oreibasios, in: Medical History 
10, 1975, 165-190 6 M. Davies, A Selection from the 


Writings of Joseph Needham, 1990, 138-139 7 G. Stroh- 
maier, Galen in Arabic: Problems and Prospects, in: V. 
Nutton (ed.), Galen: Problems and Prospects, 1981, 187- 
196 8 J. Schacht, M. Meyerhof, The Medico-Philo- 

sophical Controversy between Ibn Butlan of Baghdad and 
Ibn Ridwan of Cairo, 1937 9 J. C. Burgel, Averroes 

contra Galenum , 1967, 263-340 10 E. Savage-Smith, 

Attitudes towards Dissection in Medieval Islam, in: JHM 
50, 1995, 67-110 11 Id., Europe and Islam, in: I. 

Loudon (ed.), Western Medicine, 1997, 40-53 12 N. E. 
Gallagher, Medicine and Power in Tunisia, 1780-1890, 
1983 13 L. I. Conrad, Arab-Islamic Medicine, in: W. F. 
Bynum, R. Porter (eds.), Companion Encyclopedia of 
the History of Medicine, 1993, 676-727 14 D. Gutas, 

Greek Thought, Arab Culture, 1998 IS D. Jacquart, F. 
Micheaud, La Medecine arabe et l’Occident medieval, 
1990 16 J. Moulirac (ed.), A l’ombre d’Avicenne: La 
Medecine au Temps des Califes, 1997 17 F. Sezgin, 

Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, vol. 3, Medizin 
-Zoologie-Tierheilkunde, 1970 18 G. Strohmaier, 

Denker im Reich der Kalifen, 1979 19 M. Ullmann, 

Islamic Medicine, 1978. viviANNUTTON 

Arabic Studies 

A. Definition B. The Beginnings of Arabic 
Studies in Europe C. Changes in the Image of 
the Orient in the i8th Cent. D. Develop- 
ment in the 19TH Cent, until the First World 
War E. Between the Two World Wars 
F. PosT-1945 

A. Definition 

‘Arabic studies’ (AS) designates the philological in- 
vestigation of the Arabic language and of the works 
composed in that language. As a linguistic discipline it is 
a part of -> Semitic studies; as a cultural discipline, it 
is the central focus for Islamic studies. 

B. The Beginnings of Arabic Studies in 

Although a number of works of AS as well as reli- 
gious writings were translated into Latin by the school 
of translators founded by Alfonso X the Wise (1252- 
84), this did not lead to the creation of institutions 
where Arabic was taught. Many translators came from 
the parts of Spain that had been or still were under Arab 
domination. Where others, like Gerard of Cremona (d. 
1 1 87) or Robertus Ketenensis (the first translator of the 
Koran, d. c. 1160) had obtained their knowledge of 
Arabic is unknown. Knowledge of the Arabic language 
could only have been obtained from native speakers 
who had been driven to Europe, or in lands of the Ori- 
ent itself. The founders of AS at the universities belong- 
ed to the latter category: Guillaume Postel (L5LO-1581, 
Paris), Jacob Golius (1596-1667, Leiden) and Eduard 
Pocock (L604-L69L, Oxford). 

In the L7th cent, collections of Arabic manuscripts 
were made at Heidelberg, Leiden, and Rome, later at 
the Escorial and elsewhere. The leading Arabists taught 
at Leiden: Johann Jacob Erpenius (1584-1624) wrote 
the first methodical presentation of the Classical Arabic 




language; Jacob Golius created the first usable lexicon. 
It was there that Johann Jacob Reiske (1716-1774), the 
most significant Arabist of the 18th cent., found the 
manuscripts for his editions of texts and translations; he 
did not, however, get the recognition he deserved dur- 
ing his lifetime. 

C. Changes in the Image of the Orient in 

the 1 8th Cent. 

As a result of the growth of the economic and mili- 
tary interests of European powers, the Orient entered 
public awareness ever more strongly near the end of the 
1 8th cent. Under the influence of the -♦Enlighten- 
ment, Europe’s image of the Orient was transformed 
from that of a world of infidels needing evangelization 
to that of a world with its own cultural achievements. 
Antoine Galand’s (1646-1709) translation of The 
Thousand and One Nights (1704-1717) had great in- 
fluence on the creation of a romantic image for the Ori- 
ent. J.G. Herder (1744-1803) understood Europe’s 
contact with Spanish-Arabic culture to be one of the 
sources of the European Enlightenment. 

D. Development in the 19TH Cent, until 

the First World War 

With the new image of the Orient, conditions were 
ripe for the blossoming of AS. An initial summary of 
what had been accomplished up to his own time was 
provided by Christian Friedrich Schnurrer’s Bibliothe- 
ca Arabica (1811). The first learned Orientalist Socie- 
ties arose: the Societe Asiatique in Paris in i8zi, the 
Royal Asiatic Society in London in 1823, and the Deut- 
sche Morgenldndische Gesellschaft in Leipzig in 1845. 
Other countries soon followed their example. At the 
beginning of this development stood Antoine Isaac Sil- 
vestre de Sacy (1758-1838) in Paris and Josef von Ham- 
mer-Purgstall (1774-1856) in Vienna. 

Trained as a so-called ‘language-student’ in Vienna, 
Hammer-Purgstall knew the Orient first-hand. In order 
to make the literature of the Orient known, he founded 
the first specialized journal, Fundgruben des Orients in 
1809. His achievements were largely in the field of Per- 
sian literature, whereas as an Arabist he was subjected 
to fierce criticism. His student Friedrich Riickert (1788- 
1866) far surpassed his teacher as a philologist. His 
translations, like that of Hariri ’s Maqamen, skillfully 
imitated the originals and became part of German lit- 
erature. His translation of the Koran (ed. A. Muller 
1888, H. Bobzin 1995) transmits not only the mean- 
ing, but also the rhetorical form of the text. 

De Sacy molded AS into a strictly philological disci- 
pline. Many orientalists of the first half of the 19th cent, 
were his students. Whereas subsequent French Arabists 
mainly placed themselves in the service of colonial inte- 
rests as translators, or pursued historical interests as 
scholars, philological foundations were developed by, 
among others, De Sacy’s student Heinrich L. Fleischer 
( 1 801-18 8 8, Leipzig) and his students. They developed 
lively editorial activity, adopting the text-critical 

methods developed in classical philology. Arabists from 
Germany like Georg Wilhelm Freytag (1788-1861), 
Gustav Fltigel (1802-1870), Ferdinand Wustenfeld 
(1808-1899), but also Dutch, English and French 
scholars - for instance Reinhart P. Dozy (1820-1883), 
William Wright (1830-1889) and M. Jan de Goeje 
(1836-1909) - participated in this process. At the same 
time, an ever more exact knowledge of the texts was 
achieved, as more and more knowledge was gained con- 
cerning the use of works of the Islamic scholarly tradi- 
tion. Theodor Noldeke (1836-1930) wrote his epoch- 
making Gescbicbte des Korans (History of the Koran 
i860, frequently new and revised editions 1909-2000). 
Scholars like Wilhelm Ahlward (1828-1909), Th. Nol- 
deke and Charles J. Lyall (1845-1920) made the diffi- 
cult texts of Old Arabic poetry accessible. The edition, 
undertaken in common by European Arabists, of the 
great historical work by Tabari provided sources that 
enabled more profound presentations of history, exem- 
plified by the works of Julius Wellhausen (1844-1918). 
R. Dozy devoted himself to the history of Spain under 
Arab domination. The reception of ancient scholarship 
in Islam found its first editors in Fr. Dieterici (1821- 
1903) and Moritz Steinschneider (1816-1909). The 
latter also presented the contribution of Jewish authors 
to Arabic literature ( Die arabische Literatur der Juden, 
1902-the Arabic literature of the Jews). Those who 
resided for longer periods in Arab lands often devoted 
themselves to the study of local dialects. French Arab- 
ists founded Arabic dialectology on a linguistic level; 
their work concerned primarily the vernaculars of 
North Africa and Syria. 

Many works of this period are still valuable tools 
today, for instance Wright’s Grammar of the Arabic 
Language (1874) or C. Brockelmann’s (1868-1956) 
Gescbicbte der arabischen Literatur (history of Arabic 
literature 1898-1902; 3 Supplemental volumes 1937- 
1942), where Arab authors that had become known up 
until that time were listed together with their works. 
The problem of a dictionary compiled from texts re- 
mained unsolved. Ed. William Lane (1801-1876) was 
not able to complete his Arabic-English lexicon, which 
he began in Cairo in 1842, and which still relied on 
works of Arabic lexicography. A dictionary planned by 
August Fischer (1865-1949), in which the Academy of 
the Arabic Language in Cairo later also participated, 
was not completed because the flood of newly-edited 
texts pulled the rug out from under the project. After 
World War II, this project was pursued once again by 
Jorg Kraemer (1917-1961) and Helmut Gatje (1927- 
1986); in it they took up where Lane had left off (Wor- 
terbuch der klassiscben Arabischen Sprache, i957ff.- 
Dictionary of the classical Arabic languages). Driven by 
personal experience of the Orient, there arose a tenden- 
cy to make the investigation of the history of Islamic 
culture its special task. These foundations were laid by 
Alfred von Kremer (1828-1889, Vienna) with his Kul- 
turgeschichte des Orients unter den Chalifen (history of 
Oriental culture und the Caliphs, (1875-1877), and the 

i8 5 

18 6 


Hungarian-born Ignaz Goldziher (1850-1921), who 
introduced the methods of ->■ Historicism into AS. In 
his Muhammedanische Studien (1889-1890 [Eng.: 
Muslim Studies, 1966]), he showed the effect of the 
power struggles in early Islamic times on the genesis of 
the traditions of the Prophet (hadit), which earned him 
bitter criticism from Islamic scholars. Henri Lammens 
(1862-1937), who taught at the Universite St. -Joseph 
in Beirut, went a step farther in the direction of source- 
criticism; he put forth the thesis, which is still defended 
today, that the biography of Mohammed was fabri- 
cated out of the Koran and is largely legendary. Carl 
Heinrich Becker (1876-193 3, Prussian Minister of Cul- 
ture from 1925-1930) gave Islamic studies in Germany 
the prestige they already had in other nations, and 
which found expression in the jointly-edited (by Ger- 
man, English and French scholars) Encycloapedia of 
Islam (i9o8ff., 2nd English and French edition 
I 954 f f-)- 

E. Between the Two World Wars 

The close connections that had existed among Euro- 
pe’s Arabists were broken off by the First World War. In 
most European countries, Islamic studies now predomi- 
nated, represented by a few eminent personalities, like 
the versatile D.S. Margoliouth (1858-1940, Oxford), 
or in France by Louis Massignon (1883-1962), who 
became prominent with studies on Islamic mysticism. 
The School of Oriental and African Studies was found- 
ed in 1 9 1 7 in London, and the first to represent AS there 
was Theodor W. Arnold (1864-1930). The philological 
school was continued by C.A. Nallino (1872-1938, 
Naples), and in Germany by August Fischer (Leipzig). 
His student, Gotthelf BergstralSer (1886-1933, 
Munich), made important contributions to the linguis- 
tic history of Arabic. Joseph Horovitz (1874-1931, 
Frankfurt) had a decisive influence on AS at the Hebrew 
University of Jerusalem, founded in 1925. Helmut 
Ritter (1892-1971), a student of Carl Heinrich Becker, 
made the manuscript treasures of Istanbul accessible. 
Because of the limited possibilities for contact with oth- 
er scholars available to German Arabists, an important 
position was the holding of the Guest Professorship for 
Semitic scholars at the University of Cairo; it was ad- 
ministered by G. Bergstrafier, A. Schaade (1883-1952) 
and E. Littmann (1875-1958). Some of the most able 
Arabists were forced to leave Germany during Hitler’s 
years in power, including Richard Walzer (1900-1975) 
and Joseph Schacht (1902-1969), who found new ave- 
nues for their activity in England, and Gustav E. von 
Grunebaum (= Griinebaum, 1909-1972) and Franz 
Rosenthal, who built up important centers of Islamic 
studies at Los Angeles and Yale. 

F. PosT-1945 

German AS gained international attention with two 
outstanding works: Johann Fuck’s (1894-1974) Ara- 
biya, Untersuchungen zur arabischen Sprach- und Stil- 
geschichte (»Arabiya: Studies on the History of Arabic 

Language and Style«, 1954), which gave rise to a lively 
discussion about the history of the rise of Classical Ara- 
bic, and the Arabisches Worterbuch fiir die Schrift- 
sprache der Gegenwart, compiled from the sources 
(known internationally in its English version Diction- 
ary of Modem 'Written Arabic, ed. J. Milton Cowan, 
4 i 994 )- 

Whereas AS had previously been a phenomenon of 
European scholarly activity, after i960 it spread as far 
as Japan. Arabists who had studied in Europe, and later 
also in the USA, and had assimilated the methods of 
modern scholarship, taught, to an increasing degree, at 
Arab universities. Since that time text editions have 
been prepared predominantly by Arabists from Arab 
countries. New centers of AS have also arisen in Europe 
and the USA. Larger-scale projects could thus be under- 
taken, such as the cataloguing of oriental manuscripts 
in Germany, initiated by Wolfgang Vogt (1911-1982), 
or the continuation of Brockelmann’s work by Fuat 
Sezgin (Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 
i97off.). At the same time, research horizons were 
broadened by the inclusion of contemporary themes, 
such as modern Arabic literature, as well as questions of 
political science and sociology. Sojourns in Arab coun- 
tries, necessary for such studies, were supported by re- 
search support-centers like the Orient Institute of the 
Deutsche Morgenldndische Gesellschaft in Beirut and 
similar institutions in other lands. The result of these 
developments has been a stronger specialization in re- 

► Linguistics; Semitic Studies 

1 J. Fuck, Die arabischen Studien in Europa bis in den 
Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts, 1955 2 Id. Grundrils der 

arabischen Philologie, vol. 1: Sprachwissenschaft, 1982, 
vol. 2: Literaturwissenschaft, 1987, vol. 3: Supplement, 
1992 3 R. Paret, Arabistik und Islamkunde an deutschen 
Universitaten, 19 66; U. Heyd, Studies in Islamic History 
and Civilization, 1961 

Additional Bibliography: M. M. Bakalla, Arabic 
Culture through its Language and Literature, 1984; The 
Encyclopaedia of Islam (Brill Academic Publishers), 2002- 
Online ed., and CD-ROM (updated irregularly); B. 
Lewis, Islam and the West, Oxford 1993; E. W. Said, Ori- 
entalism, New York 1979. wolfdietrich fischer 


Arabic-Islamic Cultural Sphere, the 

I. The Near East II. Al-Andalus 

I. The Near East 

A. Origin and Development of the 
Arabic-Islamic Cultural Sphere B. The Sur- 
vival of Antiquity among the Syrians 
C. Arab Reception D. Migrations of Narra- 
tive Materials E. The Greco-Arabic Field 
of Research and its Implications 

A. Origin and Development of the 

Arabic-Islamic Cultural Sphere 

In a power vacuum between Byzantium and Persia, 
the prophet Mohammed founded a new theocratic and 
militant state on the Arabian peninsula in 622. Within 
less than a century, it extended front the Atlantic Ocean 
to the Indus. These conquests were facilitated by mild 
taxation laws and tolerant religious policies: Jews and 
Christians, who for the most part belonged to national 
churches hostile towards the Imperial church, were in- 
corporated into the new society with minimal discrimi- 
nation; their culture was left untouched. This turned 
out to be a decisive factor in the survival of ancient 
knowledge. In the west, the Islamic empire encompas- 
sed Spain, North Africa, Sicily, some Greek islands, 
Egypt and the Syro-Mesopotamian region, which had 
all been shaped by Greco-Roman culture, and in the 
east, with Persia and Bactria, areas which had once been 
included in the conquests of Alexander the Great. Here 
the Muslims broadened their dominion as far as Kho- 
rezm, a river oasis situated where the Oxus (modern 
Amu Darya) flowed into the Aral Sea, and towards 
Transoxania with the cities of Bukhara and Samarqand. 
While incursions towards France and Constantinople 
met with failure, expansion was carried further towards 
India from the end of the 10th cent. on. North of the 
Mediterranean, Islamic conquests created a precondi- 
tion for a European self-consciousness that would not 
dawn until the -> Renaissance and the ->■ Enlighten- 
ment - a consciousness no longer oriented towards the 
Roman Empire and its reestablishment, but to the lib- 
eration of the Greeks from Islamic domination and 
towards an exclusive spiritual kinship with them. The 
result of this expansion was the creation of a relatively 
homogeneous cultural area, to which many peoples 
brought their cultural assets. Among these, the Syrians 
contributed their cultivation of Greek — ► Medicine and 
science. The remarkable mobility of scholars and a 
book trade that flourished thanks to the adoption of 
Chinese paper led to a lively exchange between regions. 
Moorish Spain [117. 376-381] retained its own pecu- 
liar characteristics. Pre-Islamic Arabs had enjoyed a re- 
markable linguistic culture, poetic literature with com- 
plicated metres, and an essentially non-religious view of 
man and the world, which continued to be highly re- 
garded (cf., for instance, the role of Homer in Byzan- 
tium). A tendency towards purism restricted the intro- 
duction of foreign words, even in translated literature. 


Some of the terms adopted from the Greek by the older 
language included: failasuf (philosopher, also used in 
popular speech for ‘infidel charlatan’,), hayiild < ukq 
(‘matter’), ustuqus < otoixstov (‘element’), sufisa I 
(‘Sophist’, in a pejorative sense) [117. 146-150]; from 
Latin: band (‘post’) < veredus (‘post-horse’), istabl 
(‘stable’) < stabulum, sirdt < strata, as in the first Sura 
for the ‘straight path’ which the faithful must follow. 
The Jewish heritage included the Koran’s strict mono- 
theism and the prohibition on depicting living beings 
[117. 130-137], which limited the survival of ancient 
elements in the visual arts, at least in public. Inoffensive 
geometrical and vegetal decorative forms like the so- 
called arabesque, already found at -* Pompeii, lived on 
in Islamic art. The wall mosaics of the Umayyad 
Mosque at Damascus (c. 71 5 ) depict trees and architec- 
tural scenery in the tradition of ancient fantasy lands- 
capes. In the private realm, representations of living be- 
ings remained permissible, and specifically Greek ma- 
terial found entrance, for instance, in the constellations 
and the allegorical figures in the frescoes of the 
Umayyad desert castles [12; 36. 30-35]. 

B. The Survival of Antiquity among the 


The transmission of ancient scholarship to the Mus- 
lims did not occur through the Latin-speaking Chris- 
tians of North Africa, who gave up their religion and 
language after the nth cent. [79], and only to a very 
negligible degree by way of the Copts and the Spanish 
Christians. A favorable factor was the relocation of the 
centre of power into the cultural area marked by Syrian 
and Greek Orthodox Christianity, first to Damascus, 
and then in 750, after the bloody overthrow of the 
Umayyad dynasty by the Abbasids, to Iraq, where al- 
Mansur founded his capital Baghdad in 762. The Syri- 
ans, who were active as merchants, did not lag behind 
the Byzantine Greeks in their zeal to accummulate 
knowledge. Divided along religious and political lines 
between the Persian empire and Byzantium, they now 
found themselves united under the rule of Islam. The 
Syrian language had taken on many foreign elements, 
Hellenisms, and had thus become a useful means of 
expression for the various disciplines. Under Islam, cul- 
tured Syrians gradually abandoned their ancient Greco- 
Syrian bilingualism in favor of a Syro-Arabic one; hence 
the need for translations arose. The belles lettres of An- 
tiquity, together with the whole of Latin literature, were 
excluded from the Syrian syllabus. Of their compatriot 
Lucian, Christian Syrians only translated his essay: Ne 
facile credenda calumnia. Syrian reception provided a 
filter upon which the Arab reception depended. The 
ancient Academy in -> Alexandria, with its emphasis 
on Galenic medicine and Aristotelian philosophy in 
Neo-Platonist interpretation [124], still existed at the 
time of the Arab conquest of 64 1 . Arab reports point to 
a solidly-structured educational organization [65]. The 
school was tightly linked to the Greek settlement, and 
received no backing front the Copts after the Arab con- 



quest. Accounts claiming that the academy then, stage 
by stage, relocated to Baghdad, where its survival de- 
pended on the succession of individual teachers, are fic- 
tional [78; 117. 313-322]. Rather, the Academy had 
held a strong pre-conquest influence over the Syrian 
clergy and its schools in Edessa and Nisibis. The emi- 
nent translator Sergius of Res'aina (Theodosiopolis) (d. 
536) had studied in Alexandria under John Philoponus 
[10. 167-173; 64. 121-143; 113. 92f.]. Medical 
instruction was attached to the hospital in Persian Gun- 
dishapur. It gained particular importance, since the 
most competent Syrian doctors were called to the court 
in Baghdad because of their geographical proximity. 
The image of the ancient pre-Christian world was par- 
tially dependent on Christian chronicles of a popular 
nature [62]. One often encounters an astonishing 
knowledge of details. For instance, the Christian trans- 
lator Qusta ibn Luqa (d. c. 912) knew the story of the 
compilation of Homeric verses under Peisistratus, and 
used it to raise doubts about the authenticity of the 
Koranic suras in his correspondence with his Muslim 
patron [104. 640-643]. In addition to the Christian 
Syrians, a role was played by the Sabians of Harran 
(ancient Carrhae), who were known in Baghdad as pro- 
ponents of Greek science and ancient paganism. Their 
Old Babylonian star-cult was amalgamated with Neo- 
platonic theology and Hermetism: they worshipped 
Hermes, Agathodaimon and Pythagoras, among oth- 
ers, as their prophets. At a temple in Harran, the writer 
al-Mas‘. 956) was shown a door-knocker with the in- 
scription of a saying by Plato: ‘He who knows himself 
becomes divine’ [50. i66f.|. Their cult, which survived 
into the nth cent., also influenced the Muslim concep- 
tions of ancient pre-Christian religion; the encyclopedic 
scholar al-Biruni (973-1048) believed that Socrates 
was condemned because he refused to call the planets 
gods [112. 155]. 

C. Arab Reception 

1. Social Conditions 2. Translation 
Methods 3 . Branches of Learning 3.1 Medi- 
cine and Pharmacology 3.2 Philosophy 3.3 
Mathematics 3.4 Astronomy and Astrol- 
ogy 3.5 Geography and Geodesy 3.6 Optics 
3.7 Mechanics and Statics 3.8 Zoology and 
botany 3.9 Magic and Alchemy 3.10 The 
Interpretation of Dreams 3.11 Economics 

1. Social Conditions 

In the 9th and 10th cents., a vibrant intellectual life 
developed in Baghdad as money flowed in from the 
provinces. The institution of the maglis (‘session’) in- 
cluded lectures given in private homes on theology, 
medicine or philosophy, as well as debating clubs in 
which Christian Aristotelians met Arabs and Persians 
to argue, for instance, about whether or not the earth is 
cone-shaped [112. i32f.]. This too aroused a desire for 
Arabic translations. Some Caliphs promoted learning: 
Al-Ma’mun (reigned 813-833) maintained a so-called 


‘House of Wisdom’, a kind of academy-cum-library, 
which devoted itself primarily to astronomy and math- 
ematics [9]. He fitted out an expedition to measure de- 
grees of latitude by Eratosthenes’ method [112. 84!".], 
and tried in vain to hire the Byzantine mathematician 
Leon [51. 74L]. Attitudes were still highly receptive in 
the 9th cent.: significant in this regard is an aphorism by 
the Syrian court physician Yuhanna ibn Masawaih: ‘If 
Galen and Aristotle agree on a subject, then that is the 
way things are. When they are of different opinions, it is 
very difficult for the intellect to determine the right one’ 
[67. 1 1 6]. On the other hand, this faith in authority 
fostered the problem of pseudepigraphy, which con- 
tinued from Greek Antiquity into the Syrian and 
Muslim Orient. There was an academic proletariat that 
lived on transcription, and the temptation was great to 
augment one’s income by producing rarities. Critical 
judgements on authenticity were scarce. In subsequent 
times, the Greek heritage was cultivated by court secre- 
taries, doctors, and astrologers whose positions and of- 
fices had been increased in the course of political decen- 
tralization. Much depended on the whims of the sover- 
eign, or the pressure put on him by orthodox preachers 
and the popular masses they incited [46J. Later on, 
however, theologians active in the madrasas (‘schools’) 
made considerable contributions in religiously inoffen- 
sive disciplines. An awareness of the the indigenous na- 
ture of the ancient tradition allowed people to speak 
without bias of the ‘books of the ancients’. Only their 
opponents preferred the label ‘Greek’ in order to deni- 
grate them as foreign. A broader, somewhat simplistic 
reception of the Neoplatonism of Late Antiquity 
existed among heretical movements such as the Ismailis 
and the ‘Pure Brethren’ of Basra [8]. In their efforts to 
fuse religion and philosophy through an allegorical ex- 
egesis of the Koran, they provoked the resistance of 
their orthodox opponents. The decisive blow against 
Neoplatonic philosophers was dealt by al-Gazall (d. 
mi) in reaction to their denial of the world’s begin- 
ning within time and the resurrection of the dead. He 
saw no conflict, however, with rational Galenic medi- 
cine [115. 140L] and Aristotelian logic, which still in 
the 19th cent, was experiencing scholastic hypertrophy 
in individual madrasas [117. 358-362]. Symptomatic 
of an intellectual stagnation was, among other things, 
the continued study and copying of translated Greek 
literature- even down to most recent times- instead of 
note being taken of European innovations. 

2. Translation Methods 

We possess instructive reports about the master 
translator Hunain ibn Ishaq (808-873) [3], a Nestorian 
Arab who probably acquired his perfect knowledge of 
Greek during a lengthy period of study in Constanti- 
nople. He could even recite Homer, without, of course, 
daring to attempt a translation [113. 9 5f.]. In a Risala 
(letter) on the various translations of Galen, he gave an 
account of his predecessors and colleagues, and of his 
own philological methods ]n]. He bought the majus- 
cule manuscripts that he collated and then translated 


into Syrian and Arabic in the course of his travels 
throughout the entire Near East [113. 91, 97]. As a rule, 
they were several centuries older than the ones that have 
come down to us. The importation of Byzantine books 
played a minor role. His translations reveal an insight- 
ful understanding; they were not, however, done word 
for word and are easy to read. Unfortunately, second- 
ary stylistic editing by scribes can often be determined. 
Half the recorded Arabic translations of Galen were 
prepared by a student following Hunain’s previous Syr- 
ian translation [113. 100]. Also noteworthy are accu- 
mulations of synonyms, that is, the replacement of one 
expression in the source by two in the target language 
[118]. Perhaps in this case, allowance was being made 
for the client’s literary taste despite the translator’s de- 
sire for precision [11. 25J. Names of peoples and coun- 
tries appear modernized; thus, for instance, the Scythi- 
ans as Turks [117. 272-277]. Another peculiarity is the 
monotheistic distortion of all specifically pagan state- 
ments, already observable in earlier Syrian translations 
[117. 219T, 227-262]. The corruption of foreign prop- 
er names except for those that had taken on an Arab 
look, e.g. Aristu, Batlamiyus, Buqrat or Galinus, must 
be attributed to scribes. 

3. Branches of Learning 
3.1 Medicine and Pharmacology 
The pronounced historical interest on the part of 
Muslims found rich nourishment in translated medical 
literature, e.g. in the myth of Asclepius [97. II, III], the 
pseudo-Hippocratic correspondence or the scattered 
autobiographical reminiscences in Galen [115. 136- 
138]. Hippocrates stood entirely in the shadow of his 
commentator Galen; although Hunain had also trans- 
lated the Hippocratic works separately, the surviving 
Arabic Hippocratic texts were put together from the 
lemmas of the commentaries [117. 71-73, 2.19]. In the 
market official’s manuals one finds the regulation that 
doctors, upon opening their practice, must take the 
->■ Hippocratic Oath; for the first time, then, this 
document of ancient guild-ethics was taken up by a 
state institution for the protection of patients [117. 
216]. Dioscorides Materia medica received a full Arabic 
edition, complete with illustrations and the frontispiece 
portrait of the author [36.; 107. III. 58-60; 119; 122. 
257-264]. Owing to the pre-eminence of the Alex- 
andrian School, Byzantine and Islamic doctors formed 
a single Galenic sect (-> Galenism). Writings by adher- 
ents of other medical schools are preserved only in a few 
Arabic fragments [107. III. 51-68; 120; 122. 69-79]. 
Thanks to Hunain and his students, the Galenic corpus 
was almost completely translated; hence some material 
lost in Greek has been preserved in Arabic [113. 102- 
105J. Post-Galenic authors like Oribasius, Nemesius of 
Emesa, Palladius and Paulus of Aegina were highly 
esteemed and translated because they were followers 
and compilers of Galen [107. III. 152-170; 122. 83-87]. 
With his conception of homogeneous (‘homoiomeric’) 
bodily parts formed from the four elements earth, 
water, air and fire, and his rejection of -> Atomism, 


Galen was in agreement with Aristotle. However, Arab 
Peripatetics opposed him because he had gone beyond 
Aristotle in his anatomical investigations, for instance 
with regard to the functions of the heart and the brain 
[15; 130]. His copious writings demanded a pedagogi- 
cal summary that practitioners could handle, and one 
such project was begun with the Alexandrian canon of 
16 Galenic works and their shortened adaptation, 
extant only in Arabic: the Summaria Alexandrinorum 
[65]. Systematization reached its peak in Avicenna’s (d. 
3:037) Qanun fil tibb (‘Canon of Medicine’). Galenic 
humoral pathology, with its four bodily humors of 
blood, phlegm, yellow and black bile seems to indig- 
enous practitioners today to be something genuinely 
Islamic and, in contrast to mechanized Western medi- 
cine, to be the ‘medicine of the future’ [71. 89]. 

3.2 Philosophy 

Pre-Socratic material is preserved only in quotations 
I20; 113. 28-42], in the doxography of Aetius [19] and 
in collections of sayings and anecdotes, the so-called 
gnomologies. Of the latter, several collections are 
extant, some of them illustrated [36.; 73. 1 . 289]. Their 
content is identical only in part with that of the Greek 
transmission. However, the all-pervasive confusion of 
names should warn us to view the historicity of either 
version with skepticism [53; 55; 99; 113. 43-49]. Ten- 
dentiously falsified doxographies are found among the 
heretical writers, who constructed a tradition of age-old 
wisdom from them [101]. The atomism of early Islamic 
theology, in which even time is atomized and the atoms 
are mere points in space, was probably inspired more by 
Indian than by Greek sources [7]. Another atomism, 
more oriented towards Greek thought, was proposed 
by Rhazes (d. 925 or 932), who was significant as a 
physician and rationalistic alchemist. It is not clear to 
what extent the Platonic dialogues were translated [96. 
II; 125]; they were available in Galen’s summaries , in 
which their dialogic character was abandoned. In a 
quotation from the summary of The Republic or the 
Phaedo [45] there is an interesting remark about Chris- 
tians, who believe in myths but live a philosophical life - 
this obviously being a contemporary analogy to the 
education of the guardian caste. Thanks to his descrip- 
tion in the Platonic dialogues, Socrates, who as a result 
of some confusion in the gnomologies was assigned 
Diogenes’ tub as his dwelling-place, became a cult-fig- 
ure for Muslim intellectuals. Rhazes, who depicted the 
prophets of revealed religions as frauds, chose hint as 
his imam. Even Khomeini could appreciate him as an 
ascetic and preacher of monotheism, though al-Gazall 
had classed him among the heretics [1; 69. 78-89; 113. 
50-58]. Apocryphal sayings of Socrates are found in 
inscriptions on a mausoleum of the Timurid family in 
Samarqand [113. 59-61]. In the Alexandrian tradition, 
the greatest authority was enjoyed by Aristotle: the ‘ex- 
ample’ which, in the words of Averroes (1126-1198) 
‘nature devised in order to exhibit the ultimate human 
perfection within matter’ [5; 24; 126]. Except for the 
Politics [13], the Aristotelian corpus was available in a 


complete translation; additional material exists in the 
shape of a letter to Alexander the Great, the authentic- 
ity of which is still a matter of debate [9 1 ]. In contrast to 
the Greek tradition, the Organon included the Rhetoric 
and the Poetics; the form of the latter, owing to the 
translator’s lack of familiarity with the field, is not en- 
tirely masterful. Because of Aristotle’s authority, a par- 
ticularly large number of forgeries came to be associ- 
ated with his name [29. 53k; 84. 55-75]. In the course 
of Neoplatonic interpretation, endless room for discus- 
sion was provided by the allusions in De anima 3,5 (430 
a 14-25) to the role of an ‘active intellect’, coming from 
outside, in the awakening of human thought [68] . Avi- 
cenna finally defined it as a stage of emanation connect- 
ed with the Ptolemaic sphere of the moon: from the 
inspiring union with it, a blessed immortality was 
granted to the individual soul [47. 123-183]. He was 
thus contemplating ideas approaching the essence of 
prophethood. This led to a renewed flourishing of Neo- 
platonic philosophy in Shi’ite Persia of the 16th and 
17th cents., which continues to reverberate to this day 
in the ideology of the Ayatollahs [18. 725-757; 63]. 

The work of Theophrastus is preserved in fragments; 
among them the Meteorology, lost in Greek [23; 26; 
54 1 . The principal philosophical work ‘On demonstra- 
tion’ (Ile.pi cutobgllEco?) of Galen, who was also valued 
outside medical circles as a proponent of practical caus- 
al thought, is preserved in Arabic citations which go 
beyond the remnants of the Greek text; they are espe- 
cially numerous in Rhazes’ Doubts about Galen [hi]. 
Galen most likely communicated some doctrines of the 
Stoa as well, of which nothing else was translated. His 
opponents among the Peripatetic philosophers invoked 
the commentator Alexander of Aphrodisias, who was 
considered to be authoritative, and who was said to 
have personally argued with Galen at Rome; Galen’s 
writings would seem to confirm this [25. 294; 39; 40; 
49]. Alexander’s work On the Principles of the Uni- 
verse, preserved only in Arabic, contains in rudimen- 
tary form the hierarchy of the planetary souls in the 
Ptolemaic heavenly spheres, which reached full devel- 
opment with al-Farabl (d. 950) and Avicenna. Plotinus 
was highly influential, without being known by name, 
through a forgery that probably first appeared in the 
9th cent.: the Enneads 4-6, slightly adapted, had been 
published as the ‘Theology of Aristotle’ [4; 29. 53; 60]. 
Here, the doctrine of the eternity of the world was al- 
ready linked to the notion of creation; nevertheless, it 
remained a constant annoyance to the orthodox facti- 
ons. A paraphrase of Aristotle’s Metaphysics and a 
letter to the Emperor Julian the Apostate by the philoso- 
pher and rhetor Themistius are extant only in an Arabic 
version [6. iooff., 166-180; 109]. Proclus, an extract 
from whose commentary on the Timaeus is preserved in 
Arabic [85], was known as a defender of the eternity of 
the world [6. 60-73, X1 9f-; 12-7]- Also known was the 
polemic directed against him by the Christian professor 
John Philoponus. The latter was valued by many be- 
cause of his theory of creation, which agreed with that 


of Islam, as well as for his kinematics, which went be- 
yond Aristotle, and with which he came close to the 
modern theory of gravitation [117. i68f.J. Another ten- 
dency of Late Antiquity that influenced certain groups 
in Islam was Hermetism. The Sabians must be consid- 
ered as its intermediaries, together with the circle 
around al-Kindl (d. after 870), tutor to the young prince 
and ‘first philosopher of the Arabs’ [43 J. 

3.3 Mathematics 

Greek -> Mathematics was united in a fruitful way 
with a comparatively strong Indian tradition; however, 
positional notation with a zero was accepted more 
readily among merchants than among the learned who, 
following the Greek model, stayed with an alphabetical 
notation for a long time. Euclid’s Elements of Geom- 
etry was translated several times and amply commented 
upon; his Data was also available. Other translated 
authors, some of whose texts only survive in Arabic, 
included Apollonius of Perga, Menelaus, Pappus, 
Archimedes, Heron of Alexandria and Theo of Alex- 
andria and Diophantes, whose arithmetical algebraic 
approach paved the way for Indian methods. A mysti- 
cally-tinged Neopythagorean conception of numbers 
was imparted by the Introduction to Arithmetic 
(’AptBpiiTixi] ELaayaiyfi) of Nicomachus of Gerasa [102; 
107. V. 81-186; no]. 

3 .4 Astronomy and Astrology 

Here there was an initial competition with an Indian 
tradition that for its part had taken up elements of pre- 
Ptolemaic Greek astronomy. Of the early Greek as- 
tronomers the following were available in translation in 
the 9th cent.: Aristarchus with ‘On the Sizes and Distan- 
ces of the Sun and Moon’ (Ilepi fieyedcdv xai cmoaxq- 
fianov rjXiov xai oeXr)vr]g), while his heliocentric concept 
remained unknown [83. 37-45]; others were Autoly- 
cus, Hypsicles, Theodosius and Menelaus [107. VI. 
73-81]. The standard work, Ptolemy’s Almagest, was 
translated into Arabic several times in the 9th cent. [76. 
17-34]; Copernicus still used the Latin version by 
Gerard of Cremona that was based on it. The Planetary 
Hypotheses and the Phaseis are fully preserved only in 
Arabic. The latter work catalogues the heliacal risings 
of stars, which also played a part in popular Arab star- 
lore. The Handy Tables were also translated [88; 107. 
VI. 83-96]. The program formulated by Ptolemy of re- 
ducing the complicated movements of the heavenly 
bodies to the simplest possible kinematic models with 
epicycles, eccentrics, punctum aequans and so forth, 
were continued by several generations of Muslim as- 
tronomers. The goal pursued in the Planetary Hypoth- 
esis of representing mathematical constructs as physical 
realities was also further developed by some scholars. 
The return to Eudoxus model of homocentric spheres, 
picked up by Aristotle and chiefly posited by Spanish 
philosophers, could not compete [87]. In order to im- 
prove the accuracy of observations it became necessary 
to increase the size of the instruments, some of which 
were of Greek origin. The astrolabe, a precision me- 
chanical instrument, served more for private use; in its 




common planispheric variant, the fixed stars of the ce- 
lestial dome had to be projected onto a plane [57]. The 
Romans had no practical application for it, but by the 
year 1000 it had been introduced into Western Europe 
by way of Northern Spain. With the reproduction of the 
celestial spheres, the Greek constellations were also 
taken over [105]; to facilitate their understanding, 
Aratus Phainomena were translated [107. VI. 75-77]. 
The sequence of images drawn on paper by Abd ar- 
Rahman as-Sufi (d. 986) was also used in the West to 
illustrate the list of fixed stars of the Almagest, since it 
was more precise than the miniatures of the Latin 
Aratus tradition [116J. Astrology, scorned by orthodox 
religious thinkers and by most philosophers but highly 
valued at the courts, relied on a combination of Persian 
and Greek traditions. Among the better-known names 
were Teucrus of Babylon, Dorotheus of Sidon, Vettius 
Valens and Ptolemy with his Tetrabiblos [107. VII. 30- 
73; 1Z3. 278-286]. 

3.5 Geography and Geodesy 

The requisite orientation of mosques towards Mecca 
was a motive for the reception and further development 
of spherical trigonometry. Ptolemy’s geography and 
system of climates, with its division of peoples into 
‘northern’ and ‘southern’, was adopted all the more 
readily, as the Muslim territory extended primarily over 
the central fourth climate. Interest was also stimulated 
by Hippocrates’ treatise ‘On Airs, Waters, Places’ (Ilegi 
aegcov vbazmv tdmov), on which a commentary by 
Galen, lost in Greek, is preserved [113. 113-117]. 
Greek methods of determining longitude and latitude 
were adapted for solving cartographical tasks [70]; the 
astronomers surrounding al-Ma’mun introduced im- 
provements to Ptolemy’s world map, which found their 
way through Byzantine intermediaries into maps of the 
Renaissance, where they were ascribed to Ptolemy 
[107. X— XI; 108J. 

3.6 Optics 

The conflict between Euclid’s extramission theory of 
sight that has the ray of light emanating from the eye, 
and the correct theory of intromission inspired by Aris- 
totle, was decided experimentally by Ibn al-Haytam (d. 
1039). In addition to Euclid’s ‘Optics’, texts by Pseudo- 
Euclid, Heron, Ptolemy, Theo of Alexandria and 
Anthemius of Tralles were also available [93. 643-729; 

3.7 Mechanics and Statics 

Following Philo of Byzantium and Hero, the art of 
engineering also turned its attention to the construction 
of music boxes and Tantalus’ cups, as well as to the 
investigation of the laws of leverage and the construc- 
tion of scales, including hydrostatic ones following the 
model of Archimedes [61; 92. 65-75, 132-140; 100]. 

3.8 Zoology and botany 

Aristotles books on animals were included in his 
translated corpus. His and Theophrastus’ lost botanical 
writings were worked up into a book by Nicolaus of 
Damascus that is extant in Arabic [27]. In addition, 
there was a rich literature of a more agricultural, medi- 

cal and magical character [107. IV. 3 10-3 12; 123. 

3.9 Magic and Alchemy 

Late ancient magic lived on in the popular, non-lit- 
erary tradition, accompanied by a primitive literature 
of largely pseudonymous character. A Book of Stones 
supposedly by Aristotle had already been recognized as 
a false attribution by al-BIrun! [123. 96-114]. The ex- 
istence of a similar non-literary tradition must be as- 
sumed for alchemy, which was largely rejected by 
mainstream philosophy. The attendant literature indul- 
ges in vague allusions and aliases; pseudepigraphy in- 
cluded names like Hermes, Pythagoras, Democritus, 
Socrates, Plato, Aristotle, and Apollonius of Tyana [2; 
90; 107. IV. 31-104; 123. 151-163; 129]. Zosimus was 
known as a genuine author of alchemical treatises; it is 
in his work that the concept of an elixir (al-iksir < 
Iqgiov, ‘dry powder’) [121] is first attested, which by 
merely being scattered was supposed to transform vari- 
ous base metals into gold or silver. This miracle trans- 
formation was performed in a cleverly staged fraud by 
the emperor Constantine V Copronymus in the pres- 
ence of an ambassador of the Caliph al-Mansur [113. 
I 47 f -]- 

3.10 The Interpretation of Dreams 

In view of the belief in revelation through dreams, 
widespread in the Orient, it is not surprising that the 
standard work by Artemidorus was also translated. 
Here the translator was often overwhelmed by the 
details of daily life in Antiquity [106]. 

3. 11 Economics 

In addition to Aristotle’s thoughts on the subject, 
one made use of a treatise, attributed to the Neopy- 
thagorean Bryson and now preserved only in Arabic, on 
the subject of money, slaveholding, marriage and the 
raising of children [89]. 

D. Migrations of Narrative Materials 

Sura 18, 60-98 contains vague reminiscences of the 
Alexander Romance. In Persian ->■ epic poetry, Alex- 
ander the Great appears as the illegitimate descendant 
of the Persian royal house [16; 3 5 J; this falsification of 
history was censured by al-BIrun! |ii2. 117]. Elements 
of the Latin tradition in turn permeated Andalusian ver- 
sions of the Alexander legend I42. LX-LXVIJ. Material 
from novels, whose circulation in the Syrian region is 
attested by mosaics, found its way into Arabic and Per- 
sian literature [56; 117. 174-181], and Hellenistic or 
pan-Mediterranean narrative matter is a component of 
the stories from the Thousand and One Nights [51. 
376-405]. Animal fables resurface in the corpus attrib- 
uted to Aesop [98], for which one may assume both an 
oral and a literary transmission. The same holds true for 
jokes, where there is a blurred transition to the pithy 
anecdotes of the gnomologies [81; 99]. 




E. The Greco-Arabic Field of Research 

and its Implications 

After Western European scholasticism had profited 
from the Greek scholarship preserved in Arabic, the Re- 
naissance painted this path of transmission in a negative 
light; doctors who swore by Galen were particularly 
eager to engage in polemics [7Z]. Out of an interest in 
the history of science, the demand for the reconstitution 
of a text lost in Greek was addressed by Frederick the 
Great to J.J. Reiske, the founder of German Arabic 
studies. The work in question was Fleron’s Baroulcus 
[117. 5i6f.]. Since the end of the 19th cent., so-called 
Graeco-Arabic studies have functioned as an ancillary 
discipline to classical philology and philosophy, as well 
as the histories of medicine and science. The goal has 
been a text-critical evaluation, or else, where the origi- 
nal version is lost, to produce an Arabic edition with 
facing translation into a European language. This, for 
instance, is the program of the Supplementum Orien- 
tate to the Berlin Corpus Medicorum Graecorum. The 
creation of a lexical aid particularly for works in trans- 
lation has now been undertaken by a team organized 
around D. Gutas and G. Endreis in Bochum [33]. An 
ideologically explosive issue is the fate of the Greek her- 
itage in Islam and why, after such a promising begin- 
ning, it did not lead to the same results and break- 
throughs as it did in Western Europe, but finally atro- 
phied, so that -> universities in Muslim lands, unable 
to connect to an indigenous tradition in the relevant 
disciplines, are condemned to perpetually catch up with 
European and American research. Among Muslim 
intellectuals and lesser-informed European commenta- 
tors, this has led to resentment-filled distortions, inso- 
far as those innovations which are unquestionably pres- 
ent are exaggerated, and a kindling effect for subse- 
quent Western European developments is ascribed to 
them. This claim, however, disregards the fact that 
Christian-^ Scholasticism, because of its initially lim- 
ited incorporative capability, relied on basic handbook 
knowledge which was, generally speaking, of Greek 
origin. On the basis of this latter phenomenon, philolo- 
gists of a Eurocentric mindset pronounce judgement on 
Arabic-Islamic culture as a whole, which is equally mis- 
taken. After racist explanations [37; 94. Illf.] and those 
stemming from a deterministic view of the rise and fall 
of civilizations [74] can be considered outdated, 
reasons as to why the potential present in the Greek 
legacy did not undergo a development in Islamic regi- 
ons analogous to that in Europe are being sought by 
more recent Oriental Studies in a particular intellectual 
development within Islamic society [14; 66. 2.31; 82]. 
Muslim intellectuals regret that Averroes’ option of a 
rationalist Aristotelianism, seized upon in Western 
Europe, missed its calling in Islam [75J. Vis-a-vis these 
explanations oriented towards the history of ideas, the 
deterioration of social and economic conditions must 
also be taken into consideration [114]. Parallels may be 
drawn with the Byzantine pattern of development. 

-> Aristotelianism; -*■ Geography; -> Occultism; 

-* Natural sciences; -► Platonism; -> Pythagoras 


> Alexander Romance 

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posium Graeco-Arabicum II, 1989 32 Id., Die wissen- 

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1 99 


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Fazzo, L’ Alexandre arabe et la generation a partir du 
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1946; *1953, 7 i 969 52 D. Gutas, Avicenna and the Ar- 
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Gnomologia, 1975 54 Id., The Life, Works, and Sayings 
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475-518 56 T. Hagg, The Oriental Reception of Greek 
Novels, in: Symbolae Osloenses 61, 1986, 99-131; Id. and 
B. Utas, The Virgin and her Lover: Fragments of an An- 
cient Greek Novel and a Persian Epic Poem, 2003 57 H. 
Hartner, s.v. asturlab, El 1, 722-728 58 A. Hasnawi et 
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An Attempted Reconstruction of the Late Alexandrian 

Medical Curriculum, in: Medical History 20, 1976, 235- 
258 66 D. Jacquart, F. Micheau, La medecine arabe et 
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71 M. S. Khan, Islamic Medicine, 1986 72 F. Klein- 

Franke, Die klassische Antike in der Tradition des Islam, 
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Problem der arabischen Kulturgeschichte, 1959 75 A. 

von Kugelgen, Averroes und die arabische Moderne. 
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Ptolemaus, Der Sternkatalog des Almagest, 3 vols., 1986- 

1991 78 J. Lameer, From Alexandria to Baghdad: 

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Gottingen, Philologisch-historische Klasse, 3. Folge, Nr. 
98), 1976, 4OI-414. GOTTHARD STROHMAIER 

II. Al-Andalus 

A. The Name B. Historical Outline C. The 
Reception of Hellenistic Culture in 
Al-Andalus D. The Reception of Greek An- 
tiquity via the East E. The Translation 
Movement in Medieval Spain 

A. The Name 

The Arabs always called that part of the Iberian pen- 
insula that was under Islamic domination by the name 
Al-Andalus, thus its borders fluctuated considerably 


between 71 1 and 1492. The modern place-name Anda- 
lucia is derived from this usage, and designates a par- 
ticular Spanish region with strictly defined geographi- 
cal borders. In etymological terms, Al-Andalus has tra- 
ditionally been associated with the presence of the Van- 
dals in Spain, but a Gothic origin has recently been pro- 
posed Li]. The name appeared fairly quickly after the 
Arab conquest on bilingual (Latin-Arabic) coins as a 
synonym for Hispania [2], and from then on denoted 
the Islamic part of the Iberian Peninsula. 

B. Historical Outline 

The conquest of what had until then been Visigothic 
Spain was accomplished between 71 1 and 712 by con- 
tingents of Berber and Arab troops. It was part of the 
large-scale Islamic expansion towards Egypt and North 
Af rica, which had the consequence of integrating North 
Africa into the Islamic world. The conquerors encoun- 
tered surprisingly little resistance among the indigenous 
population, which had apparently suffered from op- 
pressive taxation and political and economic instability 
under the last Visigothic kings. The conquest was fol- 
lowed by the rule of approximately 23 Arab governors 
who had to deal with numerous instances of tribal 
unrest among the Arab and Berber troops. Because of 
this unstable situation, a number of Visigothic noble- 
men were able to maintain some amount of regional 
independence (e.g. Tudmlr in Murcia). A period of rela- 
tive peace only began with the arrival of Abd-ar-Rah- 
man (736), an Umayyad prince who had escaped the 
Abbasid massacre of his family. With the help of his 
Syrian troops, he transformed the remote province of 
Al-Andalus into an Emirate, now with the capital at 
Cordoba, that was de facto independent from the 
Abbasids and which was modeled on the former Syrian 
Umayyad Caliphate. A specifically Spanish-Arabic cul- 
ture arose, whose urban character resembled that of the 
Muslim Orient, and whose centers - the valleys of the 
Ebro and the Guadalquivir - coincided with those of 
Roman Spain. Because of the dynastic-political oppo- 
sition to the Abbasid Caliphate in Baghdad, the period 
of the Umayyad Emirs (756-929), a phase of relative 
political calm, was characterized at first by a stronger 
cultural continuity with the Late Roman-Visigothic 
heritage. From around 830 a slow opening towards 
Eastern learning set in, and with it came a gradual 
reception of Hellenic culture that had already taken 
place in the East. The cultural and political zenith was 
reached in the time of the Umayyad Caliphate (929- 
1030), which began with Abd-ar-Rahman Ill’s self- 
proclamation as Caliph. He organized his government 
and army on Oriental models, and centralized the Emir- 
ate, which was threatened by separatist tendencies 
when he assumed power. His reliance upon Berber mer- 
cenary troops would in time have fatal consequences 
for the state. Above all under such rulers as his biblio- 
phile son al-Hakam II (961-976), who as a patron of 
the arts and sciences, made important contributions to 
the reception of Greek knowledge, Al-Andalus, now 


repacified, achieved a cultural flourishing that has 
scarcely been equaled since. Beginning in iooz, the Ca- 
liphate fell into a period of disorder similar to a state of 
civil war, in which Berbers, slaves, new Moslems and 
Arabs fought against each other in shifting alliances. 
Finally, in 1030 the era of the Taifa kings began, small 
regional princes who were organized after the model of 
the former Caliphate. Seeking to reproduce the bygone 
glory of Caliphate Cordoba at their courts, they pro- 
moted the arts and sciences. However, the consequence 
of this decentralization of political power was that in 
the course of the Reconquista (recapture of previously 
Visigothic territories) the Christian kingdoms in the 
north were successful for the first time in winning back 
extensive territories, and some Islamic kingdoms were 
forced to pay them tribute. 

The recapture of Toledo (1085) finally forced the 
Taifa kings to call for help front the Berber Almoravids, 
who had established themselves as a force in North 
Africa. After defeating the Christians at Sagrajas 
(1086), the Almoravids assumed power in Al-Andalus. 
Being members of a fiercely rigorist sect, they were re- 
sponsible for a phase of cultural stagnation and showed 
themselves to be highly intolerant toward liberal ideas 
as well as toward Christians and Jews. The same holds 
true for the Almohads, who succeeded them around 
1150. Many leading intellectuals left Al-Andalus and 
resettled in the east of the country, while many Jews and 
Christians emigrated to the Christian north, where they 
played an important part in the Western reception of 
Oriental culture. The Almohad dynasty, which col- 
lapsed as a result of successful Castilian and Aragonese 
expansion in the 13th cent., was followed by the king- 
dom of the Nasrids in Granada, which was consider- 
ably reduced in territory and included the southeast 
portion of what is now Andalucia. It continued to pay 
tribute to the Christians and survived only because of a 
lack of unity among the Christian kingdoms, until it 
was finally conquered by the Catholic monarchs in 

C. The Reception of Hellenistic Culture 

in Al-Andalus 

1. Social Conditions z. The Late 
Roman-Visigothic Substratum 

1. Social Conditions 

The specific composition of the population of Al- 
Andalus formed one of the most important determining 
factors for the transfer of knowledge: the indigenous 
population was comprised of a) Christians, who spoke 
a Romance dialect and used Latin as their cultural lan- 
guage, which from the 9th cent, on, was increasingly 
replaced by Arabic (= Mozarabs < musta’ribim, i.e. 
‘Arabized’ Christians); b) Jews, a large community of 
whom had already been living under the Visigoths, and 
whose numbers increased still further through immi- 
gration, owing to the relatively favorable Muslim legis- 
lation; c) a steadily growing contingent of new Muslims 


(Spanish maladies < Muwalladun); d) initially, an 
unknown number of pagan non-Christians, who prob- 
ably quickly converted to Islam. 

The ruling class consisted mainly of a) Arab tribes, 
which were partly of Yemenite, partly of Syrian origin; 
b) Berber tribes; and c) an ever-increasing number of 
slaves of European origin. It is worth noting that the 
first two groups established themselves in extended 
family networks and therefore scarcely mixed, at least 
at first, with the indigenous population [3]. Embedded- 
ness in Arabic culture and the use of written Arabic as 
the language of prestige soon were a common feature of 
at least the educated strata of these population groups: 
either the Romance dialect or else popular Arabic 
served as the vernacular. These linguistic conditions 
rendered communication possible across cultural 
and/or religious bounaries, creating a climate favorable 
to the processes of acculturation. 

z. The Late Roman-Visigothic Substratum 

Our insights into the cultural circumstances at the 
time of the first governors are limited by the dearth of 
available sources. Abd-ar-Rahman I was the first to 
attempt an orientalization of the region by introducing 
the fine arts as well as theological and judicial learning 
1 4 1 ; yet dynastic opposition to the Abbasids in Baghdad 
led to considerable isolation inside the Islamic world. 
Thus one was dependent on the knowledge of the indig- 
enous population, which, however, was primarily ac- 
quainted with the encyclopedic knowledge of Isidore of 
Seville, so that one only enjoyed a reduced access to 
ancient learning. The issue of the translation and recep- 
tion of Latin works in Al-Andalus is highly contentious, 
and closely linked to the question as to which ancient 
works were still known at all in Visigothic Spain. Our 
knowledge of Latin literature under the Visigoths [3] 
points to a strong predominance of ecclesiastical litera- 
ture (hagiography, Latin Patristics) over profane litera- 
ture. As a rule, ancient authors were known only 
through anthologies and drastically abridged sum- 
maries that were drawn from a very slim canon of 
mainly poetic authors. The monumental work of Isi- 
dore, who had probably not read ancient works in the 
original [6], became henceforth the foundation and 
filter through which knowledge of Antiquity reached 
the Spanish Christians. 

Since the linguistic Arabization of indigenous Chris- 
tians was already far advanced in the 9th cent. [7J, it is 
not surprising that many works, such as the Gospels [8] 
and Eusebius’ Chronicle [9. 38], were translated into 
Arabic. More significant was the reception of these 
translations by Muslim scholars. Thus, the Arabic 
translation of Orosius’ Historia adversos paganos [10], 
of which fragments are preserved together with other 
works of Church history, also left traces in Islamic 
works. From Ibn Gulgul’s history of scholars, written in 
the time of the Caliphate [9. 3 7-43 J, we learn that up 
until the beginning of the 9th cent., the most important 
physicians in Al-Andalus were Christians, whose 
knowledge was based on a book entitled Aphorismoi 



(Isidore’s Etymologiael), which was later translated 
into Arabic. Native traditions also seem to have lived on 
in astrology. In contrast, the reception of Latin works 
on agriculture, e.g. those of the Roman agronomist 
Columella, who is allegedly cited as Yunlyus in Anda- 
lusian geoponic writings [iz], remains deeply contro- 
versial. Since we have scarcely any written sources 
available for this period, and the knowledge later im- 
ported from the East almost completely superseded this 
line of reception, we are more or less reduced to specu- 
lation. As far as engineering is concerned, Roman mod- 
els apparently prevailed in the field of water manage- 
ment [13]. In the arts, not only were elements of Visi- 
gothic art taken over via the use of -> spolia, but there 
were also more creative adaptations: the horseshoe arch 
as a formative stylistic element is part of the Visigo- 
thic/ancient Spanish architectural heritage. 


D. The Reception of Greek Antiquity via 

the East 

Quite isolated until about 830, Al-Andalus began to 
open to Eastern influences in the 9th cent., adopting the 
Graeco-Hellenistic knowledge that had already been 
absorbed in the East. It must nevertheless be borne in 
mind that the consequence of Al-Andalus’ peripheral 
situation with regard to the rest of the Islamic world 
was that, compared to the developments of the more 
central Islamic lands, it appeared as a) backward and 
provincial; b) because of its isolation, often surprisingly 
original; c) sometimes, as a dead end within the Islamic 
world. This situation was eventually reflected in the 
works that were translated into Latin and came to influ- 
ence Medieval European thought. Three vehicles of this 
acculturation have been determined: 1) Official patron- 
age of the respective sovereigns, who for the most part 
supported cultural transfer, z) The initiative of private 
scholars, who by way of pilgrimage or business travel 
established contacts with Eastern colleagues and disse- 
minated their new knowledge in Al-Andalus. 3 ) Eastern 
scholars and artists who, for a wide variety of reasons, 
had ended up in Al-Andalus. 

1. Medicine and Pharmacology z. Astrono- 
my, Astrology and Mathematics 3 . Agricul- 
ture and Botany 4. Philosophy 

1. Medicine and Pharmacology 

According to the historian of science Ibn Gulgul 
(10th cent.), Hellenistically-oriented ->■ medicine had 
already been introduced into Al-Andalus at the begin- 
ning of the 9 th cent. As in the East, the Galenic tradition 
in its late ancient abridged form and the Byzantine doc- 
tors like Paulus of Aegina and Oribasius were predomi- 
nant, while Hippocrates was, to be sure, known, but far 
less popular [14]. The decisive impulse for medical sci- 
ence in Al-Andalus emanated from a new adaptation of 
Dioscorides’ Materia Medica: thanks to a copiously il- 
lustrated manuscript given to the Caliph in Cordoba in 
948 by his ally the Byzantine emperor, a more precise 


translation could be undertaken. This research left its 
mark on Andalusian pharmacology, giving it a botani- 
cal orientation. It occupied a large number of scholars 
who figure among the scientific mentors of Al-Andalus, 
including Sulaiman Ibn Gulgul (mentioned above), 
author of the first Arab history of medicine, as well as 
the famous surgeon Abu al-Qasim az-Zahrawi (Lat. 
Abulcasis, d. iooz) of Cordoba. Of Arab physicians, 
especially ar-RazI (Lat. Rhazes, d. 950) enjoyed great 
popularity in Al-Andalus during his lifetime; later the 
medical writings of Ibn SIna (Lat. Avicenna, d.1037) 
were also held in high regard. 

z. Astronomy, Astrology and Mathemat- 

An important factor in the development of Andalu- 
sian astronomy [15J, and a symptom of the backward- 
ness of Al-Andalus in this field of knowledge, was the 
preponderance of an Indo-Persian tradition that re- 
flected a pre-Ptolemaic stage of astronomy (following 
the ‘Sindhind’ method), as it is embodied in the Tables 
of al-Hwarezml. Before the arrival of Greek-oriented 
astronomy, the Indo-Persian tradition became known 
in Al-Andalus in the 9th cent., and in the 10th cent. 
Maslama al-Magrlti revised the Hwdrezmian Tables, 
converting them to the meridian of Cordoba. It was this 
version that was then translated by Adelard of Bath and 
had a great influence in medieval Europe. A more de- 
tailed version of the Sindhind came to Al-Andalus in the 
nth cent, through the commentary of Ahmad ibn al- 
Mutanna, and formed the basis of the Toledan Tables, 
which were compiled later that same century with con- 
tributions from the historian of science Sa'id of Toledo 
and az-Zarqall (Lat. Azarquel). The Alphonsine Tables 
were in turn derived from these. 

Greek astronomy was available in the shape of Pto- 
lemy’s Almagest. However, Arab astronomers in the 
Greek tradition, like al-Battanl, Ibn Yunus and Ibn al- 
Haytam, enjoyed no widespread recognition. In the 
field of mathematics, one noteworthy development was 
the beginning of positional notation. 

3. Agriculture and Botany 

In Al-Andalus, this area of science reached a peak 
that was never achieved in the East [16]. It was based on 
1) Greek sources such as Vindanius Anatolius of Beirut 
(known to the Arabs in direct translation under the 
name Anatullyus, and through a Syriac translation 
under the transmogrified name Yunlyus, who was 
falsely identified with Junius M. Columella), Cassianus 
Bassus Scholasticus and finally Bolus Democritus of 
Mendes; z) possibly Latin sources, although this is dis- 
puted, since the Latin geoponic writers were scarcely 
known in the Visigothic period; 3) Arabic sources like 
the so-called ‘Nabataean Agriculture’. It should be not- 
ed, however, that this textual genre - because it also 
absorbed many popular traditions - reflects a pre-Isla- 
mic substrate. Particularly representative of this ten- 
dency is the 10th cent, peasant calendar from Cordoba 

[ 1 7J - 



4. Philosophy 

Here Al-Andalus did not catch up with develop- 
ments in the Orient until comparatively late. This delay 
can be attributed to the repressive attitude of the pre- 
dominantly Malikite legal scholars, always highly sus- 
picious of speculative thought. It is apparent in the fol- 
lowing: a) the relatively quick and successful absorp- 
tion of Neoplatonic thought (-* Neo-Platonism) via 
the Mu'tazila and the epistles of the ifiwan as-Safa (Bre- 
thren of Purity). The most important representative of 
this philosophical strand was Ibn-Masarra (883-923), 
who constructed a synthesis of Mu'tazilite doctrines 
and the mystical theories of Du-l-Nun al-Misrl. His 
school had considerable influence on the development 
of Andalusian mystics like Ibn ‘Arab!, b) a fairly late 
reception of the Arabic Aristotle and the so-called fala- 
sifa, that is, Arab adherents of Hellenistic philosophy 
like al-Kindl, al-Farabl and Ibn Slna. 

Initially, all that was known of Aristotle were his 
works on natural history and fragments of his Orga- 
non. In the course of the nth cent., this knowledge was 
deepened, while the works on logic, together with Por- 
phyry’s Isagoge, were finally adopted and eagerly 
applied. However, the Metaphysics and the Physics re- 
mained excluded; first knowledge of them is attested in 
the 12th cent. The period of the great Andalusian phi- 
losophers began in the 12th cent., its first exponent be- 
ing Ibn Bagga (1070-1138, Lat. Avempace), who was 
responsible for the fruitful reception of the Eastern fala- 
sifa, particularly Ibn al-Farabl. His ideas had a consid- 
erable impact on, among others, Ibn Tufayl (born c. 
iiio), the author of the Philosophus autodidactus and 
successor of Ibn Slna. The most important thinker of 
Al-Andalus, representing the summit of medieval 
-> Aristotelianism, was Ibn Rusd (1094-1168, Lat. 
Averroes). He was a universal scholar who was also 
successful as a physician. His philosophy signifies a 
radical break with the Neoplatonic Aristotelian syn- 
thesis of Ibn Slna and the establishment of philosophy 
as an independent discipline. In the Latin Middle Ages, 
he was understood first and foremost as a commentator 
on Aristotle; His enormous influence on Thomas Aqui- 
nas and the development of medieval Aristotelianism is 
a well-known fact. In the Islamic East, by contrast, his 
views found no successors. 

The great historian and philosopher of history Ibn 
Haldun (1332-1406) deserves to be mentioned as the 
last significant thinker: though he lived in North Africa 
and Egypt, he was of Andalusian descent. He did not 
become known in the West until the 19th cent., at which 
time he was enthusiastically celebrated as a sociologist 
and theoretician of history; nevertheless, he exercised 
no influence on the development of European thought. 

E. The Translation Movement in Medieval 


In conjunction with the fruitful reception of Hellen- 
istic ideas, the peculiar makeup of the Andalusian 
population (see above) provided the most important 


precondition for the move towards acculturation. 
Those Christians who were strongly Arabized, both lin- 
guistically and culturally, could thus act as middlemen 
between the two cultural regions, while the Jews could 
exercise their classic function as those who move be- 
tween two worlds. Only a very cursory survey of the 
extent and effects of this momentous translation move- 
ment can be given here [19]. The first epicenter was the 
former Spanish March in northeastern Spain, where the 
immigration of Mozarabic Christians occurred in an 
environment that also allowed close contact with Gaul. 
A most important piece of evidence for this contact is a 
10th cent, astrological treatise from the convent of 
Santa Maria de Ripoll [20J. 

In the 1 2th cent., through the patronage of the arch- 
bishop Raimund of Toledo, the focal point for these 
activities shifted to the former Visigothic capital. We are 
indebted to the translators of this generation for mak- 
ing ancient natural sciences known in the West, long 
before recourse to Greek originals was available. Moza- 
rabs and Jews often prepared intermediary translations 
into Castilian, which then served as the basis for Latin 
versions. Important representatives were Plato of Tivoli 
(c. 1140), Juan of Sevilla (fl.1135-1153), Hermann the 
Dalmatian (fl. 1138-1143) and Adelard of Bath 
(C.1070-C. 1142). However, the most significant per- 
sonality of the 1 2th cent, was Gerard of Cremona 
(1 1 14-1187), whose translations covered all fields. By 
the time of his death, therefore, the great majority of 
ancient works transmitted by way of the East were 
available in Latin. 

In the field of philosophy, it was the works of Aris- 
totle, above all, that came to the West in this way, along 
with some pseudepigraphica, such as the so-called 
Liber de causis, which was based on Proclus’ Elements 
of Theology. Of Arab philosophers, works by al-Kindl, 
Ibn Sina and al-Gazzall (Lat. Algazel) were translated. 
In mathematics, the translation of Euclid’s Elements by 
Adelard of Bath stands out, as does that of a book by 
al-Hwarezml entitled Liber Algebras et almucabola, 
which brought Europe into contact with a heretofore 
unknown field of knowledge and a fully developed ter- 
minology to go with it. In astronomy, in addition to the 
relevant books of Aristotle, works by Euclid, Theodo- 
sius, Autolycus, Archimedes, Aristarchus, and Menel- 
aus were translated, and finally Ptolemy’s Syntaxis 
mathematica, under the title Almagest. In astrology, 
Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos was translated by Plato of Tivoli. 
Medical works include some treatises by Galen and 
works by many Arab doctors, particularly ar-RazI 
(Rhazes) and the Qdniin (‘Canon’) of Ibn-Slna (Avi- 

The 13 th cent, in Spain was marked by the patron- 
age of King Alfonso X of Castille, his role as a supporter 
of translations from Arabic into Spanish was frequently 
praised. Many Jews who were fluent in Arabic were in 
his service, as were converted Arabs or Mozarabs. 
Important Eastern works of belles-lettres were intro- 
duced into Europe through this channel (e.g. Kalila 




wa-Dimna), but also scientific treatises, chiefly on as- 
tronomy, from which the Alphonsine Tables were 
developed (see above). The most important translations 
from Arabic into Hebrew also fell into this period (es- 
pecially those of the Ibn Tibbon family in southern 
France); some of these were then immediately trans- 
lated into Latin. 

In philosophy, more Aristotelian works were trans- 
lated (De anima and the Metaphysics by Michael Sco- 
rns), along with pseudo-Aristotelian ones ( Liber de 
pomo) and a revised version of Plato’s Phaedrus. Doxo- 
graphical collections like the book entitled Bocados de 
oro (Lat. Bonium), translated under Alfonso X, found 
their way into Europe. Proposed by Peter the Vener- 
able, a corpus of Islamic theological writings as well as 
of the Koran were produced, which played an impor- 
tant role for later Christian, anti-Islamic polemics. 
There were also a large number of medical translations, 
although the names of the translators are for the most 
part unknown. From the the 14th cent, on, this trans- 
lation activity rapidly declined, until finally in the Re- 
naissance the original Greek sources became available, 
and the Arabs were unjustly condemned as flawed 
translators and transmitters of works of the ancients. 

-> Hispania, Iberia; -> Isidorus [9] 

1 H. Halm, Al-Andalus und Gothica Sors, in: Der Islam 
66, z, r989, 252-263 2 G. Miles, The Coinage of the 

Umayyads of Spain, 1950 3 P. Guichard, Structures 

sociales ‘orientales’ et ‘occidentales’ dans L’Espagne 
Musulmane, 1977 4 M. Makki, Ensayo sobre las apor- 
taciones orientales en la Espana Musulmana, in: Revista 
del Instituto de Estudios Islamicos XI-XII,i r 963-64, 
7-140 5 L. A. Garcia Moreno, Historia de la Espana 
Visigoda, 1989, 365-378 6 M. C. Diaz y Diaz, Isidoro 
en la Edad Media Hispana, in: Id., De Isidoro al siglo XI, 
L976, 141— 202 7 D. Millet-Gerard, Chretiens, 

mozarabes et culture islamique dans l’Espagne des VUIe et 
IX siecles, 2984 8 H. Goussen, Die christlich-arabische 
Literatur der Mozaraber, 1909 9 J. Samso, Las ciencias 
de los antiguos en Al-Andalus, 1992 10 G. Levi Della 
Vida, La traduzione araba delle storie di Orosio, in: Al- 
Andalus 19, 1954, 257-293 12 L. Bolens, Les agrono- 

mes andalous du moyen age, 1981 13 Th. F. Click, Hy- 
draulic Technology in Al-Andalus, in: [22. 974-986] 14 J. 
Vernet, Natural and Technical Sciences in Al-Andalus, in: 
[22. 937-951] 15 J. Samso, The Early Development of 

Astrology in Al-Andalus, in: Journal of the History of 
Arabic Science 3, 1979, 509-22 16 E. Garcia Sanchez, 
Agriculture in Muslim Spain, in: [22. 988-999] 

17 Calendrier de Cordoue de l’annee 961 (ed.) R. P. 
Dozy, (trans. C. Pellat), l96i 18 M. Cruz Hernan- 
dez, Filosofia hispano-musulmana, 2 vols., 2957 19 J. S. 
Gil, La escuela de traductores de Toledo y los colabora- 
dores judios, 1984 20 J. M. Millas Vallicrosa, Assaig 
d’historia des idees fisiques i matematiques a la Catalunya 
medieval, r93i 21 Th. F. Click, Islamic and Christian 
Spain in the Early Middle Ages, 1979 22 S. Kh. Jayyusi 
(ed.), The Legacy of Muslim Spain, 1994 23 E. Levi- 

Pkovknca l, L’Espagne Musulmane du Xe siecle, 1932 
24 J. Vernet, La cultura hispanoarabe en Oriente y Occi- 
dente, 1978. Isabel toral-niehoff 


A. The Ancient Model B. Arcadianism in An- 
tiquity C. The Rebirth of Arcadianism 
D. Arcadianism in Painting E. The Institu- 
tionalization of Arcadianism 
F. Arcadianism in Modern Times 

A. The Ancient Model 

Arcadia, the mountainous landscape in the center of 
the Peloponnesus, played only an insignificant role in 
Antiquity. The foundation of Megalopolis in 368-67 
BC underlined its civic independence, which until then 
had been only limited. Beginning with the second half of 
the 3rd cent. BC, the Arcadian poleis joined the Ach- 
aean League, whose fate was sealed by the Roman vic- 
tory at Pydna in 168. 

B. Arcadianism in Antiquity 

Since very early times, Arcadia signified more than a 
mere geographical entity: it was an ‘intellectual land- 
scape’ [z. Z57J that embodied a cultural idea, upon 
which various ideals were based in the course of time. 
However, this development was linked not so much 
with Arcadia as with Sicily, where in the Hellenistic 
period the-> Bucolic emerged in the form of charming, 
unrealistic pastoral poetry. The fact that Bucolic poetry 
and Arcadianism came to be seen as almost equivalent, 
can be traced back not to a Greek poet, but to the 
Roman national poet Virgil (70-19 BC). Virgil knew 
the historical work of Polybius, with its affectionate 
description of his Arcadian homeland, which the 
Roman used as the backdrop for his Bucohca (Eclo- 
gues), set far from worldly events and therefore unob- 
jectionable to the government in power. 

C. The Rebirth of Arcadianism 

The theme of Arcadia awoke to full vigor at the time 
of the Renaissance. A precursor in this process was 
Francesco Petrarca (1304-1374) with his posthu- 
mously published Bucolicum carmen, which showed 
Virgil’s influence, but which failed to achieve a broad 
impact because of its meager poetic value. The true 
founder of modern Arcadianism therefore did not 
appear until the following century in the person of the 
Neapolitan Jacopo Sannazaro (1456-1530) with his 
Arcadia, published around 1480. This pastoral novel 
borrowed abundantly from ancient classical authors, 
especially Virgil. It distanced itself from the daily rou- 
tine of a shepherd’s life even more than its predecessors, 
insofar as it gave form to the Arcadian idea as a vision of 
the ‘Golden Age’, which left no room for the Christian 
concept of Paradise. On the contrary, Sannazaro’s 
Arcadianism included an anti-Christian, ancient con- 
cept of free love. Arcadia made an impressive effect 
both on its own time and in subsequent centuries, and 
far beyond Italy. A few striking examples of this phe- 
nomenon may be cited. 

In L590, Giovanni Battista Guarino (L538-L6LZ), a 
nobleman from Ferrara, professor of literature and dip- 




lomat, composed with flawless poetic technique his tra- 
gi-comic pastoral novel II Pastor fido, which became 
the model of its genre; this is even attested by a version 
in Vulgar Greek. Guarino’s Arcadianism was based on a 
strict moral code, and, as he set out in his Prologue, on a 
moderate degree of freedom; the Golden Age is not 
introduced until near the end of the work. Characteris- 
tic for Spain in this context were Garcilaso de la Vega 
(1501-1536) with his Eclogues, Lope de Vega Carpio 
(1562-1635) with his pastoral novel Arcadia, and, last 
but not least, the great Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra 
(1547-1616), with his pastoral novel La prima parte de 
la Galatea, which met with little success at the time. In 
1 5 65 in France, Remy Belleau, a younger member of the 
poetic circle known as the Pleiade frangaise, published 
his poems under the title Bergeries; here, high-ranking 
personages in shepherds’ garb debated public events in 
allegorical phrases. Similarly, the Dutchman Johan van 
Heemskerck (1597-1656) in his Batavische Arcadia, 
offered chatty conversations dealing with history and 
bygone customs. The Englishman Sir Philip Sidney 
(1554-1586) went even further, following established 
forms by setting forth Renaissance views on politics, 
society, morality, religion, and the fine arts in his Arca- 
dia, posthumously published in 1 590. A poetically gift- 
ed author, Sidney inserted sonnets and songs into his 
prose text. A German translation appeared in 1629, 
which was revised by the language reformer Martin 
Opitz (1597-1639) and published posthumously in 
1642. Furthermore, drawing on ancient and humanistic 
sources, German literature of the 17th cent, developed 
an Arcadianism of a distinctive character. The desire for 
harmony and balance, peace and quiet were reflected in 
the pastoral novels and poetry of the turbulent period of 
the Thirty Years’ Wars and its effects, as was the in- 
creasingly strong reaction to the unnatural character of 
courtly life. In his Trutz Nachtigal, only published after 
his death in 1639, the Jesuit Friedrich Spee (von Lang- 
enfeld; 1591-1635) combined spiritual themes with a 
bucolic setting. In the Pegnitz Order (named after the 
rivulet Pegnitz), founded by Georg Philipp Harsdorffer 
(1607-1658), Nuremberg patricians embraced the pas- 
toral allegory-on the model of Harsdorffer’s Arcadia- 
which made use of affected speech comparable to that 
of Italian Marinism. The emblem of the Pegnesians was 
the panpipe; in their activity, they sought to distance 
themselves from the bourgeois guild poetry of the Mei- 

D. Arcadianism in Painting 

In addition to this varied literary Arcadianism, 
whose fundamental characteristic, despite all distance 
from reality, obviously contained elements of the an- 
cient affirmation of worldly existence, there stood, 
largely independent front it, an Arcadianism of the vis- 
ual arts and of no less importance; but it was, in con- 
trast with the former, almost exclusively connected 
with the city of -> Rome. It grew out of the newly- 
awakened sense of nature in the Renaissance, which 

was reflected, on the one hand, in an inclination 
towards the heroic, and, on the other, in an idyllic ten- 
dency, in which gods and nymphs disported themselves, 
and shepherds watched over their flocks and otherwise 
gave themselves over to song and dalliances. The way 
for this trend was prepared by the Venetian Giovanni 
Bellini (c. 1430 to 1516), who was of course primarily 
concerned with Biblical subjects, but provided detailed 
depictions of flora and fauna; and by Bellini’s student 
Giorgio Giorgione (c. 1477-15 10) with his famous 
Tempestd (in the Accademia in Venice). The blossoming 
of artistic Arcadianism is linked with the Frenchman 
Nicolas Poussin (1594-1665), who lived almost con- 
tinuously in Rome from 1624 on. Two of his paintings 
bear the epitaph ‘Et in Arcadia ego’ as a symbol of the 
fact that death is constantly present, even in utopian 
Arcadia; his Les bergers d’Arcadie hangs in the Louvre. 
Claude Lorrain (1600-1682) painted Greek temples, 
palaces and magnificent trees, and became a model for 
Classicism and other components of 18th cent, art, al- 
though he could not base his vision on a first-hand 
knowledge of what he was representing. Authentic rep- 
resentations of Arcadia first occur in travel literature in 
the early 19th cent. irmscher (+), Johannes 

E. The Institutionalization of 


Beyond literature and art, Arcadianism strove 
towards institutionalization. The most important of 
these foundations was the Accademia degli Arcadi in 
Rome. The former Queen Christine of Sweden (1626- 
1689), who resided primarily in Rome after her abdi- 
cation in 1654, made her Palazzo available for meetings 
of literati and scholars. The aforementioned — ► Acad- 
emy, which was constituted in due form in 1690, arose 
from this; its spokesman was the canonicus Giovanni 
Mario Crescimbeni (1663-1728). This institution saw 
its main goal as restoring Italian poetry, which in the 
view of the Academy members had become barbarized. 
Here the charge was directed against the above-men- 
tioned Marinism, the bombastic, baroque form of 
poetry named after Giambattista Marini (1569-1625), 
which, moreover, by no means disdained to make use of 
bucolic themes. The Academy countered with a call for 
stylistic simplicity and naturalness of content. Crescim- 
beni himself composed a novel Arcadia, as well as an 
impressive Istoria della volgar poesia. The members of 
the Academy adopted Arcadian names and gathered in 
the Bosco Parrasio. They came from the upper classes of 
society; remarkably, women were also accepted into 
their circle. Mala carmina et famosa, obscoena, super- 
stitiosa, impia were excluded from readings. In 1711, 
under Pope Clement XI, the Academy counted 1195 
members, and in 1725 King John V of Portugal erected 
a building for them on the Gianicolo. The Academy 
exercised its influence by promoting a formal Classi- 
cism; in 1807 it chose Goethe as a member, who pre- 
faced the second part of his Italian travel journal with 
the motto ‘I too am in Arcadia!’. The Academy survived 

2I 3 


periods of decline, and still has influence today as the 
Accademia letteraria italiana dell’ Arcadia. There was 
also a short-lived Arcadian society in Germany, under 
the title of Phylandria. It was founded by the young 
Hessian nobleman Ernst Karl Ludwig Ysenburg von 
Buri (1747-1806), later an officer and dramatist. The 
Phylandria was initially a small group devoted to the 
performance of pastoral plays; it temporarily achieved 
a certain influence in its surroundings, and was later 
absorbed into the Freemasons. In 1764 Goethe, who 
was then still in Frankfurt, requested membership in the 
Phylandria, but is said to have been rejected for lack of 

F. Arcadianism in Modern Times 
The revolutions of the 19th cent, and the radical 
social, economic, and technological transformations in 
their aftermath caused the decline of Arcadianism. Not 
until recent decades has a return to the Arcadian idea of 
an organic union between nature, art, and human 
society manifested itself in Greece, supported by local 
associations as well as the Arcadian Academy at 
Athens, which devotes itself to regional concerns and 
the protection of the environment. 

-> Vergilius 

1 B. Snell, Arkadien, Die Entdeckung einer geistigen 
Landschaft, in: Antike und Abendland 1, 1945, 26 ff. 

2 Id., Die Entdeckung des Geistes, 4 i 975 3 Id., The Dis- 

covery of the Mind in Greek Philosophy and Literature, 
New York: Dover, 1982. Repr. (Orig., i960) 4 J. Irm- 

SCHER, Arkadismus und Revolutionarismus, in: Rivista 
Storica dell’ Antichita 22/23, 1992/93, 267-274 
4 i Ina7.Tr/ A' Suvefipiou 71a ri|v dva|3iotoi] tou ’Agxahixou 
16ed)&ovg, 1984. 5 R. Poggioli, The Oaten Flute: Essays 
on Pastoral Poetry and the Pastoral Ideal, 1975 6 A. 

Soare (ed.), Et in Arcadia Ego, 1997 


Archaeological Institute of America 

A. History B. Activities C. Publications 
and Research 

A. History 

The Archaeological Institute of America (AIA) was 
founded in 1 879 in Boston, with the aim of encouraging 
archaeological research and American publications. 
The driving force behind the foundation and its first 
president, front 1879 to 1889, was Charles Eliot 
Norton (1827-19 28), professor of Fine Arts at Harvard 
University. The organisation soon expanded outside 
Boston and became a national association. A network 
of local associations emerged in several cities, which 
were linked in a loose nationwide organization. The 
first local associations were founded in New York 
(1885), Baltimore (1885) and Philadelphia (1889). 
Gradually local associations gradually emerged in the 
whole country. An association was founded in Los 
Angeles in 1904, the first Canadian local association 
was founded in 1908. In the same year Francis W. Kel- 


sey, of the University of Michigan, was the first presi- 
dent of the AIA who did not come from the Eastern 
States of the USA. In December 1998 there was a total 
of 101 local associations. From the beginning, the mem- 
bership in the local associations united professional and 
part-time archaeologists. In 1906 the AIA was recog- 
nized as a corporate body by a law of the US Congress. 

B. Activities 

One of the first projects of the AIA was to encourage 
field research in the Old and the New World. Norton 
was of the opinion that Americans had to contribute 
creatively to archaeological field research. The first 
great project in the Mediterranean region were the 
excavations from 1881 to 1883 in Assos, conducted by 
John Thacher Clarke (1856-1921) and Francis H. 
Bacon (1856-1940). In the New World Adolph Band- 
alier studied in the 1880s Amerindian sites from the US 
Southwest and Mexico. The AIA financially supported 
from 1884 to 1885 the field research of William H. 
Ward in Mesopotamia. In the years up to World War I, 
AIA subsidized some small projects. In 1882, under the 
leadership of Charles Eliot Norton, AIA had a decisive 
role in the founding of the American School of Classical 
Studies in Athens. Thus the American students were 
able to use a study center in Greece. AIA was also in- 
volved in the founding of the institutes in Rome ( 1 8 9 5 ) , 
Jerusalem (1900) and Santa Fe, New Mexico (1907). 
These institutes soon developed their activities indepen- 
dently from the AIA and gradually took over its re- 
search activity. The expansion of the archaeological re- 
search of North American scholars made it imperative 
for the AIA to provide a journal for its publication. 

C. Publications and Research 

The first issue of the American Journal of Archaeol- 
ogy (AJA) was published in 1885, with Arthur L. Fro- 
thingham Jr. (1 8 59-1923 ) as chief editor and Norton as 
advisory editor. In the beginning the journal was pub- 
lished by Frothingham and his colleague Allan Mar- 
quand. In 1897 the AJA was reorganized. The official 
publisher was now the AIA and John Henry Wright 
from Harvard was the editor. Whereas at the beginning, 
the AJA published a lot of non-classical materials, its 
contents, up to the years after Word War I, was limited 
mainly to materials from the Near East, Greece and 
Rome. In order to unify an organization made of local 
associations scattered over a large continent, the AIA 
instituted a national program with lectures and annual 
meetings. Within the framework of the national lecture 
program, organized in 1896, scholars were sent to the 
local associations, to present the most recent archaeo- 
logical discoveries. The program was reinforced by the 
endowment of the Charles Eliot Norton Lectureship, 
instituted in the memory of the AIA founder by the ar- 
chaeological philanthropist James Loeb. During its first 
years this lectureship served mainly to invite famous 
Europeans to the United States. D.G. Hogarth, Chris- 
tian Huelsen, Franz Cumont and Eugenie Strong were 


only some of the first Norton Lecturers. Now AIA 
offers each local association three lecturers every year. 
The first Annual Meeting of the AIA took place in 1 899, 
in New Haven, Connecticut, with lectures on the ar- 
chaeology of the Old and of the New World. The aim of 
this meeting was to offer the members of a still frag- 
mented American archaeological community the op- 
portunity for a yearly exchange of information. The 
annual meeting quickly became the main communica- 
tions center for professional activities and for the pres- 
entation of the most recent research results. Since 1905 
it has been held together with the American Philological 

The AIA was always conscious of the necessity to 
speak both to professional and to amateur organiza- 
tions. In 1914 the AIA inaugurated the publication of 
Art and Archaeology, a journal for the general public. It 
published articles on all archaeological and art histori- 
cal fields, wishing to appeal to a readership of educated 
laymen. Art and Archaeology appeared until 1934, 
when lack of funds, caused by the Great Depression, 
and quarreling over marketing policy inside the AIA led 
to the demise of the journal. AIA certainly needed a 
publication for its non-professional members. In 1948 
the journal Archaeology, which until then was very suc- 
cessful, took the place of Art and Archaeology. In the 
years between the World Wars the AIA faced several 
internal and external problems, which seriously weak- 
ened the organization. It became more and more diffi- 
cult to set up research projects. The American archaeo- 
logical research in the Mediterranean region was now 
run mainly by universities and overseas institutes. The 
last great American excavation financed by AIA was the 
Cyrene expedition from 19 n. It ended with the assas- 
sination of Fletcher deCou, one of the members of the 
excavation crew, and the Italian invasion of Cyrenaica. 
Archaeologists who worked outside the Mediterranean 
area and the classical period increasingly looked for 
their identity outside the AIA. This led in 1912 to the 
founding of the College Art Association, and in 1936 of 
the Society of American Archaeology. The narrowing 
of the focus of the AIA was reflected in the research 
reports at the annual meetings and in the articles pub- 
lished in American Journal of Archaeology. The AIA 
was split between ideological and political standpoints. 
A group, led by Ralph Magoffin (1874-1942) from 
New York University, advocated the view that the AIA 
should strengthen its social backing by supporting such 
projects as Art and Archaeology. The other group, led 
by William Dinsmoor (1886-1973) from Columbia 
University, who was its president from 1937 to 1945, 
argued that such efforts would weaken its humanistic 
mission, which ought to concentrate mainly on the pub- 
lication of articles in American Journal of Archaeology. 
The Great Depression severely weakened the organiza- 
tion and forced it to stop the publication of Art and 
Archaeology, to limit the conference program and to 
reduce the circulation of AJA. 


After World War II, Sterling Dow (1903-1993) from 
Harvard brought the AIA to a new flourishing, during 
his presidency from 1946 to 1948. The journal Archae- 
ology provided for a general respect, the financial situa- 
tion improved and the lecture series was relaunched. 
The intensive work of the American archaeologists in 
the Mediterranean area after the war offered rich ma- 
terial for the A.J.A. and for the program of the annual 
meetings. Since the beginning of the 1960s the AIA has 
been offering modest financial support for student re- 
search. In 1983 the AIA moved is head office and the 
A.J.A. its offices at the Boston University. 

Currently the number of the members is over 
10,000, mostly laymen. AIA still supports national lec- 
tures and continues to publish the already mentioned 
two journals. Beside scholarships for graduates it offers 
a series of educational services. 

-*■ United States of America 

1 A. Donahue, One Hundred Years of the AJA, in: AJA 
89, 1985, 3-30 2 A. V. Dort, The A.I. A. - Early Days, in: 
Archaeology 7/4, 1954, 195-201 3 St. L. Dyson, An- 

cient Marbles to American Shores, 1998 4 Ph. Sheftel, 
The A. I. A. 1879-1979. A Centennial Review, in: AJA 83, 
1979, 3-17 5 S. H Allen (ed.), Excavating Our Past: 

Perspectives on the History of the Archaeological Institute 
of America, 2002. 


Archaeological Methods and Theories 

A. Concept and Contents B. The Develop- 
ment of Archaeological Methods C. Con- 
temporary Archaeological Methods 

A. Concept and Contents 
Archaeology is concerned with all aspects of human 
life in the past. Primarily it makes use of material 
remains which, for most of human history, front the 
Paleolithic to modern times, represent the only evi- 
dence. If at the beginning of archaeological research, 
focus was placed on individual objects, particularly an- 
cient works of art, the framework was then broadened 
on the one hand by the inclusion of all kinds of material 
evidence from settlement systems to microanalyses of 
the contents of dwellings, and on the other by the ex- 
pansion of the research question to include explanation 
of social change. The multiplicity of research topics led 
to the development of various archaeological discipli- 
nes, most of which were defined by space and time. 
Determined by their own research history, various 
issues were identified and developed and, connected 
with the latter, theories and archaeological methods 
based on them. In each instance, these questions reflect 
contemporary modern interests in and theories about 
past societies and as well as their proximity to the pres- 
ent. For want of other sources, most archaeological 
methods and theories were developed with a focus on 
the remains of non-literate societies. Their application 
to literate societies, particularly those of Classical An- 
tiquity, took place only hesitantly due to their concen- 

2I 7 

tration above all on individual objects and art-historical 
and chronological issues. The ever-increasing impor- 
tance which is attributed to the explanatory power of 
material remains, both as a corrective and as a supple- 
ment to written sources, and the increasing utilization 
of both kinds of evidence - on an equal footing - yield 
particularly rich results, help to subject both kinds of 
evidence to the necessary criticism and also to evaluate 
the validity of many archaeological methods. The vari- 
ety of archaeological traces and monuments corre- 
sponds to a variety of archaeological methods used for 
their interpretation. Many methods, for instance settle- 
ment-geographical and scientific investigations 
(archaeometry), were borrowed from other disciplines 
or based on their concepts, and then applied to archaeo- 
logical matters. They are therefore methods within ar- 
chaeology rather than archaeological methods. Conser- 
vation methods, museum studies and the conservation 
of monuments also belong to these. 

B. The Development of Archaeological 


The history of archaeological methods developed 
with the question of the possibility of interpreting ma- 
terial culture, which ranges alongside memory, narra- 
tion and textual sources as tangible evidence of the past. 
The history of archaeology and its methods has been 
marked by different notions of the proximity to Anti- 
quity and, following from this, the possibility of insight 
into ancient thought and actions, 
i. 15TH-18TH Century: Collecting 
z. Mid-i8th to M1D-19TH Cent.: The Com- 
parative Gaze 3. From the M1D-19TH Cent.: 
Collecting and Ordering 4. The Early zoth 
Cent.: The Will behind the Material 5. The 
Mid-zoth Cent.: Humans in the Environ- 
ment 6. The 1960s: Social History 7. The 
End of the zoth Cent.: Understanding the 
Ancient Lifeworld 

1. 15TH-18TH Cent.: Collecting 

Archaeology requires an historical awareness, which 
presumes, on the one hand, a distance from the past and 
its otherness, as well as its contemporary significance. 
Archaeology therefore developed, both in the train of 
the early Enlightenment and its renewed interest in the 
literature, architecture and art of Greco-Roman Anti- 
quity, and with growing patriotism in northern Europe 
[zi, 45-5Z]. As early as the 15th cent., excavations 
were undertaken, especially in Rome, aimed at statues 
whose aesthetics were admired. In the Baroque period, 
scholarly interpretation of details superseded a more 
intuitive enthusiasm [3. Z9]. Antiquarians put together 
catalogues of thousands of antiquities, without further 
classification or interpretation. 

In northern Europe, too, interest in Classical and 
indigenous antiquities rose sharply in the i6th-i8th 
cents, [zi. 45-67]. In Britain, Sweden and Denmark, by 
around 1600, national antiquities such as runic stones 


were systematically catalogued and grave finds even 
drawn on site. Already in 1697 O. Rundbecks not only 
began to draw sections, but also to speculate that bar- 
rows had developed through succeeding soil deposits 
[17. zoo-3]. This was the beginning of the archaeologi- 
cal method of stratigraphy, which can be defined as 
reverse discovery and systematic description of stratifi- 
cation, that is, the accumulation of layers. Antiquities 
were granted a place in curiosity cabinets, along with 
geological and zoological oddities. 

z. Mid-i8th to M1D-19TH Cent.: The Com- 
parative Gaze 

The establishment of archaeology occurred with the 
introduction of the ‘comparative gaze’ as an archaeo- 
logical method. For Classical archaeology, this was 
linked to the application by J.J. Winckelmann (1764) of 
the concept of ‘style’ used in literature. ‘Style’ described 
those formal qualities that are common to works of art 
of a specific nation, era, workshop or artist [3. 3Z]. 
Winckelmann classified ancient art geographically and 
chronologically according to style and he hypothesised 
a succession of growth, acme and decline. For Winck- 
elmann, art and political and social conditions were 
directly related. The zenith of art lay in a time of politi- 
cal freedom, the time of the Attic democracy, and ought 
to be a timelessly valid norm and model for the present 
time. Thus in its beginnings, -► Classical archaeol- 
ogy was art history and normative aesthetics. How- 
ever, this sense of an aesthetic norm disappeared in the 
19th cent, in favour of the descriptive function of the 
concept of style. Based on C. Heyne and J. W. Goethe, a 
procedure developed early on that combined intensive 
description, classification according to such aspects as 
technique and material, as well as inspection of origi- 
nals against imitations and the use of other sources for 
interpretation. Whereas Winckelmann’s use of literary 
sources had opened up new possibilities in the inter- 
pretation of representations (iconography) as Greek 
myths, this was increasingly reversed, by the sculptures 
obtaining their meaning as illustrations of the texts. 

A breakthrough in the field of archaeological dating 
methods was achieved by C. Thomsen in 1819, during 
his classification of the Danish collection of antiquities. 
He concentrated his efforts on find complexes, particu- 
larly of ‘closed finds’, i.e. finds from graves that had 
been deposited together. He first separated artefacts by 
material into stone, bronze and iron. Within each group 
of artefacts, for instance knives or pins, he then com- 
pared the objects according to form and decoration and 
separated them into types. The differences between 
them he interpreted in terms of chronology. He com- 
pared his typologies using closed finds and thereby 
identified parallel development of types. Based on this 
he came up with a chronological sequence for find com- 
plexes, in which all finds were classified according to 
material, form, decoration and context (types of 
graves). Thus he introduced seriation as an archaeologi- 
cal method. The ‘Three-Age system’ of the Stone, 
Bronze and Iron Ages, which he developed as a conse- 


quence, has since been successfully applied throughout 
the world. With stylistic analysis, typology and strati- 
graphy the basic archaeological dating methods had 
now been developed. 

In 1859 C. Darwin opened up new perspectives in 
the search for early humans with his Theory of Evolu- 
tion which was based on the survival of the best-adapt- 
ed beings. However, by finding human bones and the 
bones of long-extinct animals in the same geological 
layers J. Boucher de Perthes had proven as early as 1 84 1 
that the age of humankind had to reach back beyond 
the time-span calculated using the Bible. By the mid- 
19th cent., therefore, the foundations for the investiga- 
tion of archaeological cultures beyond Classical Anti- 
quity had been laid by Thomsen, Boucher des Perthes 
and Darwin. 

3 . From the M1D-19TH Cent.: Collecting 

and Ordering 

The second half of the 19th cent, was characterized 
by the development of a universal archaeology, which 
embraced all time periods, and defined societies by their 
artefacts. The above-mentioned archaeological 
methods were refined. This was especially true of exca- 
vation techniques. The focus was no longer on art 
objects, but on contexts. Introduced by E. Curtius at 
-»■ Olympia and A. Conze at Samothrace from 1873 
onwards, all kinds of objects were increasingly sur- 
veyed three-dimensionally and on site, and stratigra- 
phic relationships were documented. Excavations be- 
came scientific experiments, featuring experimental 
setups and exact observations. With a growing material 
assemblage from excavations and catalogues, artefacts 
were classified spatially and temporally, as in a periodic 
table. Works of art were ordered according to style and 
other artefacts according to typology. While Thomsen’s 
typology had still been fairly crude, O. Montelius now 
compiled more detailed artefact typologies based on 
form, material, production technique and decoration. 
His typological method presupposed, on the one hand, 
that the products of a specific time and region were 
similar, and, on the other, that transformations were 
necessarily gradual and that these could help to identify 
developments. By seriating closed finds he established 
more exact spatial and temporal distributions of types 
and developed regional (relative) chronologies for the 
whole of Europe. He interpreted similarities between 
the artefacts from various regions as adaptations from 
more highly developed civilizations (of the Orient). He 
obtained absolute dates for non-literate cultures, for in- 
stance, from finds of Mycenaean pottery in Egypt in 
contexts that were precisely datable with the names of 

Antiquity and its investigation became more and 
more complex. Stylistic analysis, typology, iconogra- 
phy, the study of portraits and stratigraphy were used 
for the classification and attribution of objects. The 
historising approach diminished the ideational proxim- 
ity of Classical Antiquity. Positivistic -*■ historicism, 
which dominated cultural studies above all in Germany 


and, influenced by the emigrant F. Boas, also in the 
United States, increasingly emphasized the peculiarities 
and differences between individual societies. 

4. The Early zoth Cent.: The Will behind 

the Material 

Once artefacts could be dated and located by ar- 
chaeological methods, the question of the meaning 
behind them moved into the foreground. A. Riegl 
turned against mere classification, connection with lit- 
erary sources and the approach of G. Semper, who in 
the context of materialistic access to the world (‘form is 
determined by materials’), sought to objectify and limit 
stylistic and formal investigations. Riegl understood the 
creation of objects as the result of a definite, deliberate 
will towards art, which asserted itself in its struggle 
with functionalism, raw material and technique. The 
development of art was therefore autonomous, albeit 
part of the transformation of successive world views. 
The content of art had to be discovered in the internal 
context of development and in a process of historical 
interpretation and every phenomenon had to be evalu- 
ated according to its own criteria. For H. Wolfflin, too, 
style reflected the atmosphere of the time and its atti- 
tude to life. The goal therefore had to be the pursuit of 
worldviews specific to a society and its development. 
According to E. Panofsky, however, these were not the 
cause of style, but rather phenomena of it; they did not 
provide an explanation, but required one. In the 1930s 
Panofsky therefore developed a threefold interpretative 
system, which was initially mainly taken in in the USA. 
The first, pre-iconographic stage was when formal and 
stylistic description was undertaken. In the second 
stage, the iconographic analysis, that which was repre- 
sented was identified with the help of other sources and 
integrated into a typological history of the theme, and 
in the third, iconological stage, it was related to its 
philosophical, aesthetic, religious and political back- 

Whereas iconology takes content as its starting 
point, in order to grasp the meaning behind art, struc- 
tural studies, beginning in the 19ZOS, turned its atten- 
tion to form. The nature and preconditions of a work of 
art were identified through its structure, that is, the 
internal organization of its form, its conception of space 
and shape, which was the expression of a supra-individ- 
ual will to form and the bearer of the idiosyncrasy of its 
creation. This nucleus of art - supra-temporal constants 
of form and basic symbolic forms, which were assumed 
to be linked to regions and populations or races - was 
supposed to be objectively perceptible, even in modern 

Beyond classical archaeology, archaeological cul- 
tures, defined as specific types of archaeological ma- 
terial constantly recurring together [zi. 161-7], were 
now linked to ethnic groups. By mapping cultures de- 
fined in this way, G. Kossinna (1911) thought he could 
identify the settlement areas of specific ethnic groups. 
With his so-called settlement-historical method, he 
aimed to prove migrations of ethnic groups with typo- 


logically comparable finds. Kossinna’s often absurd 
arguments were utilized particularly in Nazi Germany, 
in order to justify claims to land in eastern Europe. 
However, a positive contribution was that he drew the 
spatial dimension, i.e. the distribution of artefact types, 
into the discussion, and above all that he focused atten- 
tion away from the pure development of artefacts 
towards the underlying historical processes. With his 
so-called historical approach, G. Childe further devel- 
oped archaeological methods to represent archaeologi- 
cal cultures on distribution maps and in comparative 
chronological tables. Thus, human beings and the cul- 
ture-historical development of various ways of life, 
rather than artefacts, became the subjects of archaeol- 
ogy. Childe turned away from the ethnic explanations 
of cultural differences and toward seeing the reasons for 
cultural change in the transformations of artefact tech- 
nology and methods of production. His hypothesis of 
two revolutions which originated in the Near East and 
were of similar importance to the industrial revolution 
was of particular importance: i. the transition from 
hunting and gathering to controlled agriculture and 
animal husbandry, the ‘Neolithic revolution’, and z. the 
step from village-based subsistence farming to complex 
urban societies, the ‘urban revolution’. 

5. The Mid-zoth Cent.: Humans in the En- 

In the 19 30s to 19 50s, in a search for the conditions 
for the emergence of specific artefacts, L. White and J. 
Steward in the USA and G. Clark in Great Britain began 
to study the processes by which a society adapts itself to 
its natural and social environment. Their interest 
shifted from the investigation of individual cultures 
towards the relationships between types of evolution- 
ary changes in the form and the function of material 
culture. From this they inferred a general cultural histo- 
ry of humanity, which White saw as linear, but Steward 
envisaged as multilinear. In archaeological methods, 
the focus was on describing central cultural attributes 
such as technology, subsistence and the organization of 
property, since economic organization was most closely 
connected with the variance of the environment. Arte- 
facts were therefore interpreted functionally, regarding 
their adaptation to the environment. Foreign civilisa- 
tions were no longer necessary for bringing about 
change, and internal transformation was possible 
through adaptation. Stewart saw settlement systems as 
an essential sign of a society’s adjustment to its environ- 
ment. He therefore initiated archaeological survey as an 
archaeological method, where all settlements traces in a 
region are recorded. Individual sites are dated by sur- 
face finds, and their size at different times is determined 
as closely as possible. With the reconstruction of settle- 
ment systems according to the sizes of sites, which point 
to their differential importance, ancient landscapes and 
the transformations in the intensity of their settlement 
become visible. This method was first applied by G. 
Willey in Peru from 1948 on and by R. McAdams in 
Iraq from 1955. Based on the increasing complexity 


and centralization of settlement systems, they were able 
to observe the growth of political and social hierarchi- 
zation. The settlement history of entire regions thus be- 
came accessible. 

6. The 1960s: Social History 

In the 1960s, the further development of these ideas 
by the so-called ‘New Archaeology’ also brought about 
progress in the development of archaeological methods. 
Its proponents, now usually called processualists, 
turned against the traditional fixation with chronology, 
the assumption of change through diffusion or migra- 
tion, the denial of internal differences of societies and of 
historical particularism. Archaeology was able to and 
had to explain, not describe similarities and differences 
between societies. Supra-cultural developmental pro- 
cesses (later also: laws of human behaviour), not his- 
torical events, ought to be of central interest [z. z; 4. 
iz]. On the basis of systems theory societies were de- 
scribed as systems where alterations in one subsystem 
caused alterations in another, so for example in tech- 
nology, which had an effect on the division of labour 
and thereby also on social relations. This made it pos- 
sible to explain changes as internal to a system or 
brought about by external impetus, as multicausal rath- 
er than monocausal and as chronologically different 
front their causes. Long-term consequences of earlier 
decisions could then be discovered through simula- 
tions, that is, through experimental changes to models, 
intended to explain the origins of archaeological finds 
[1. 1Z4-9]. However, the complexity of real life was 
greatly reduced by definitions of subsystems and essen- 
tial variables and results were sometimes pre-deter- 

The explanation of the processes, that is, of the dy- 
namic relationships between the components of a sys- 
tem or of a system and its environment, which led to a 
social, political and economic evolution, was intended 
to take place by means of explicit archaeological 
methods and theories. This was the goal of the ‘hypo- 
thetic-deductive’ approach [1. 49-64], where hypo- 
theses were first formulated on the basis of theories, 
then archaeological implications were deduced, and 
finally these were tested against the archaeological ma- 
terial, e.g. by excavation, whereas, traditionally, the 
excavation results and finds had been the starting 
points for further reflections (the inductive method). 
Methodological progress resulted in particular from the 
search for the archaeological correlations to social or 
economic developments, which helped to understand 
contexts that were not directly observable. For in- 
stance, if uniformity between the pottery production of 
different modern societies was linked to the tempering 
of clay, the forms and firing processes, then, with all due 
caution, it would be possible to deduce the manufac- 
ture, distribution and underlying methods of produc- 
tion front ancient pottery. As in this example, hypo- 
theses and explanations were derived from analogies 
with modern populations based on so-called ethnoar- 
chaeological investigations. Particular emphasis was 


placed on a society’s internal differences. Tombs or 
architecture were no longer important for dating and 
questions of religion, but instead as indicators of social 
structure and organization, by focusing on the differen- 
ces in the effort required for building them and the dif- 
ferences in their grave goods and their spatial organiza- 
tion. Great value was placed on the exclusion of 
random variation, e.g. in typologies, spatial distributi- 
ons or in the agreement of analogies. In accordance 
with the claim of being scientifically rigorous, statistics 
and the probability theory were included in the argu- 
mentations. The approach of New Archaeology was 
generally positivistic: the answers lay in the material, 
and all one had to do was to ask the right questions. The 
point was not to try to adopt the internal (‘emic’) per- 
spective of ancient societies, but to take up a neutral 
external (‘etic’) perspective, which also enabled cross- 
cultural comparisons. 

A further essential development, which took place at 
the same time, was the question about the development 
of an archaeological context, a kind of archaeological 
source criticism. The explanation of formation proces- 
ses, i.e. of the mechanisms by which an archaeological 
feature developed front a living system through human 
activity (discarding, redistribution of debris, abandon- 
ment, etc.) or natural conditions (erosion), has now be- 
come an independent branch of archaeology [16]. 
While it had been thought traditionally that finds came 
from contexts related to their use, it was now clear that 
most material that did not stem from tombs or confla- 
grations had already been discarded in Antiquity. This 
meant that the contexts of things during their period of 
use, that is, their actual historical context, had to be 
reconstructed. Correspondingly, ethnoarchaeological 
investigations were concerned with the frequency of the 
breaking and replacing of objects or with how societies 
discarded their refuse. Independently from the New Ar- 
chaeology, interest in the organization of labour and 
trade also grew in Classical archaeology; construction 
crews were identified and quarries and mines were stud- 

7. The End of the zoth Cent.: Understand- 
ing the Ancient Lifeworld 

From the end of the 1970s, New Archaeology came 
under pressure from various sides. Marxist anthropolo- 
gists emphasized its failure in considering the internal 
contradictions in social groups as transformative 
forces. Structuralist and contextual archaeologists criti- 
cized its lack of interest in the symbolic dimension of 
artefacts. However, whereas the former were seeking to 
find cross-culturally valid rules of the structure of cul- 
tural phenomena, contextual archaeologists empha- 
sized the variety of culturally contingent meanings of 
material culture [9]. As a result of engagement with the 
Critical Theory of the Frankfurt School, and with Fou- 
cault and Derrida, the representation of the past as the 
logical preliminary stage for modernity was criticized as 
an ideology that had to be challenged. The ‘etic’ per- 
spective was recognized as being subjectively construct- 


ed. The context-dependency of every interpretation, 
even the investigation of empirical data, was empha- 
sized as being a physical practice in the present [19]. 
However, this criticism was also made possible by the 
progress of the New Archaeology, which enabled fur- 
ther research questions even in the case of non-literate 
societies through its archaeological methods, and thus 
contributed to a convergence of archaeological disci- 

Critical archaeologists now unanimously agree that 
things do not simply have innate meaning, but that a 
contemporary interpretation is produced by re-contex- 
tualizing them with archaeological methods. This leads 
some to focus interpretations as a creative act less on 
explaining than on understanding or making ‘sense of 
things’, which results in a multiplicity of equally-justi- 
fied interpretative possibilities. Although this approach 
is intended to be emancipatory, it can also excuse tra- 
ditionally racist or nationalistic interpretations. In con- 
trast, other approaches, particularly cognitive archae- 
ology [14. 369-40Z], explicitly do not exclude expla- 
nations and promote progress on the path of the pro- 
cessualists by including symbolic dimensions. This 
coincides with widespread hermeneutic approaches, 
which aim to determine the original meanings of finds 
and features from the contexts in which they were cre- 
ated. However, often this is necessarily a process where 
the conditions for its creation are interpreted from the 
very material whose meaning they are intended to 
explain. Only when additional information is available, 
e.g. through analogies or literary sources, do the ques- 
tions bear fruit. Thus in the case of representational art, 
questions are asked less about style or iconography 
than about iconology, about connotative meaning, im- 
plicit ideology and the effects that works of art had. 
This holds for statues as well as for burial contexts or 
temple inventories, which are no longer understood as 
the products of autonomous artists or founders, but as 
complex systems of signs, which were created within 
their general cultural and art-specific contexts, by pro- 
ducers and sponsors for specific purposes and effects. 
Artefacts thus become actors within the communicative 
process, as part of a visual sign language and at the same 
time they are part of an ideational system, with which 
society orients itself in the world and gives meaning to 
its actions. This focuses on the lifeworld-based context 
of the emergence of archaeological remains, where 
Husserl’s concept of a Lebenswelt (‘lifeworld’) is to 
some extent used as a modern variation on the concept 
of culture. 

C. Contemporary Archaeological 


The multiplicity of archaeological methods focuses 
on regional analyses and the discovery of archaeologi- 
cal sites, on their investigation, also through excava- 
tion, as well as on the analysis of excavation material 
and finds without context. On the level of finds, a dis- 
tinction can be made between artefacts, i.e. things pro- 


duced by human beings, such as statues or pottery, and 
ecofacts, i.e. organic and inorganic natural remains 
such as bones, plant remains and soil deposits. The 
former provide evidence for dates, origins, contacts, 
social structures and world-views. The latter also docu- 
ment diet, ecological conditions and human activities 
by means of their spatial distribution. Analogies, statis- 
tics [zo] and the natural sciences [4; 15] assist in their 

1. Regional Surveys z. Finding Sites 
3. Non-Invasive Methods 4. Excavations 

5. Stratigraphy and Formation Processes 

6. Intra-site Analyses 7. Typology 8. Chro- 
nology 9. Analogies and Ethno- 
archaeology 10. Social Organization 

ii. Trade and Exchange iz. Meaning 
13. Natural Sciences 

1. Regional Surveys 

Systematic archaeological surveys were introduced 
in the 1950s. In an archaeological survey, ideally the 
location and extent of all sites and artefact distributions 
of a region are documented with their surface finds. 
Instead of a complete record of all finds, which would 
be too time-consuming and expensive to create, a rep- 
resentative sample is taken [14. 70-5]. The results are 
plotted on maps to show the extent and intensity of 
settlement over time. The methods for the analysis of 
settlement systems came partially from economic geog- 
raphy. According to Christaller’s theory of central 
places, specific sites assumed centralised political, eco- 
nomic and religious functions. Various hierarchic levels 
developed, depending on the complexity of the system. 
Places on the same level were, in theory, evenly distrib- 
uted, although in practice this situation was modified 
by natural conditions such as mountains and rivers. The 
spheres of influence of central places have been 
described by Thiessen polygons [1. 153-80]. From the 
settlement areas determined in this way, population 
numbers could be estimated by analogies with modern 
or transmiied numbers for the same region; however the 
population density could vary with the size and age of 
the settlements. 

z. Finding Sites 

Whereas in the Mediterranean and in the Near East 
archaeological sites are predominantly recognizable as 
standing remains or rubbish deposits, other archaeo- 
logical sites, north of the Alps almost as a rule, are cov- 
ered by topsoil. Since settlement traces such as walls or 
ditches influence the moisture balance of the soil, they 
stand out on aerial photographs taken from specific 
angles, because of changes in vegetation or differential 
melting of snow on fields. In addition, stereoscopic and 
infrared photography, as well as satellite photography 
are nowadays available [11; 18]. An initial overview of 
the archaeological sites of a region can thus be ob- 
tained. The input of all known archaeological sites with 
their coordinates into GIS (Geographical Information 
System) [11], a database linking various thematic levels 

zz6 archaeological methods and theories 

of data such as terrain, rivers, roads or finds with their 
spatial location, represents an important source for reg- 
istering monuments or else can serve as preparation for 
a more detailed archaeological survey. GPS (Global 
Positioning System), which provides up-to-date coordi- 
nates via satellite, is increasingly used for orientation in 
the terrain or even, to some extent, for drawing up 

3. Non-Invasive Methods 

Work on a site always begins with the preparation of 
a topographical plan and a survey grid, in which the 
location of all finds and features can be recorded. Non- 
invasive surface studies have become increasingly 
important. They depend on (regional) conditions of 
preservation. Stone structures, e.g. Greek temples, are 
still to some extent so well-preserved that they can be 
directly subjected to a standing buildings survey. Plans, 
especially of single-phase settlements, can be obtained 
through techniques that measure anomalies caused by 
ancient walls or ditches in the electrical conductivity or 
the magnetic properties of the soil. In this process, elec- 
tric resistance is measured based on the fact that damp 
soil is a better conductor than dry soil and that archaeo- 
logical features can cause anomalies by being of a differ- 
ent composition to the surrounding soil. A magneto- 
metry survey relies on the observation that structures, 
particularly those that have been burnt or fired, contain 
measurably greater concentrations of magnetic iron 
oxides [4. 543—53; 15. 3 1 9-5 z]. In the case of multi- 
phased settlement mounds, a more precise urban survey 
can help with the analysis of changes in population over 
time or with determining the functions of certain areas 
and places of production. 

4. Excavations 

Excavations shape the image of archaeology and 
lend it an air of ‘adventure’, yet they make up only a 
small proportion of all archaeological activity. Since 
excavation always means that the original features are 
destroyed, it should only be undertaken in a clearly de- 
fined way and to answer concrete questions. On a prac- 
tical level, most excavations worldwide are carried out 
as rescue or salvage excavations, now more commonly 
called contract archaeology or cultural resource man- 
agement (CRM). They prevent the uncontrolled des- 
truction of archaeological sites as a consequence of the 
building of roads, dams, etc. Since the documentation is 
all that remains and takes the place of the find, all ar- 
chaeological units and finds have to be recorded, drawn 
and photographed with the greatest care. Historically, 
two excavation systems have primarily been used. An 
earlier system, the box grid, retained permanent sec- 
tions across a site, which corresponded to the squares of 
the site grid. Baulks separating the squares were left 
standing so that a total stratigraphic record could be 
kept by drawing the sections. This meant, however, that 
a proportion of the site was permanently obscured by 
the baulks. This greatly impeded the efficient progress 
of the excavation and the interpretation of the site. 
With the more wide-spread use of single context record- 



ing systems, where each archaeological feature and de- 
posit is recorded as a separate stratigraphic unit, and 
the introduction of the Harris matrix [7] in the 1970s, 
which provided an easy-to-understand and comprehen- 
sive record of the stratigraphy of a site, the box grid 
excavation was mostly supplanted by open area exca- 
vations. Here sections are more flexibly retained, re- 
corded and removed where they are needed to facilitate 
an understanding of the stratigraphy of the site. This 
excavation system works particularly well in conjunc- 
tion with the use of total stations for surveying the site 
as the excavation progresses. 

5. Stratigraphy and Formation Processes 

Archaeological sites mostly developed as complex 

sequences of use, abandonment and re-use. This pro- 
cess is called stratification, that is, the deposition of 
various archaeological contexts. Primarily, contexts are 
all three-dimensional features such as soil or refuse de- 
posits or walls. The retrospective description of the en- 
tire three-dimensional feature during its excavation and 
the analysis of its development over time is called stra- 
tigraphy. Conclusions are drawn from the relationships 
of contexts with each other about the sequence of their 
formation. The basic assumption is that a context that 
is above or cuts another context is more recent. Strati- 
graphy therefore is the transposition of the spatial di- 
mension into a temporal one. Thus it makes sense also 
to consider cuts, e.g. of a pit, which take up no physical 
space but have a place in the chronological develop- 
ment of a site, as separate contexts [7]. 

The definition of contexts also created units useful 
for seriations. The context is the key to the reconstruc- 
tion of past activity and for interpreting the meaning of 
the objects that were found. During excavation the con- 
texts therefore have to be described exactly: their di- 
mensions, their composition, their relationships with 
other contexts and their formation. A distinction is 
made between culturally determined formation proces- 
ses caused by the activities of people (building houses, 
separating garbage) and non-cultural, natural forma- 
tion processes, such as wind erosion, each of which 
leave behind specific traces [16]. Micromorphological 
analyses [6] of deposits provide further information 
about their formation or the use of space, particularly 
on the basis of organic residues. Special finds are meas- 
ured in three dimensions, while other finds, e.g. pottery, 
are collected separately according to their context, to 
enable the reconstruction of past activities. Contexts 
are investigated horizontally to determine various past 
activities and vertically to gain an understanding of 
changes through time, and are combined into layers. 

6. Intra-site Analyses 

The methods of -*■ archaeological structural 
research are essential and integral components of ar- 
chaeological methods. They include intra-site analyses, 
e.g. of the distribution of public and private buildings 
and of settlement plans, the interpretation of architec- 
ture, its elements and decoration and statistical analyses 
of the distributions of finds to study the different uses of 
individual buildings and sites. 

7. Typology 

Artefacts from excavations or the art market can be 
classified typologically and stylistically. Typology as 
general classification is one of the oldest archaeological 
methods (see above). Although it was first only used to 
determine the spatial and temporal distribution of arte- 
facts and the state of technology, its use today is highly 
diversified. In spite of the debate about the right 
methods for obtaining typologies and their exact value 
as evidence [1. 207-30], they are compiled based on the 
fact that specific attributes of objects, e.g. raw materi- 
als, colour, size and proportions, are important for an- 
swering specific questions. The concrete form of a ty- 
pology thus depends on the research questions. This is 
best demonstrated in the case of pottery, since it is 
ubiquitous, can be shaped in an infinite variety of ways, 
is quickly produced and easily broken. Pottery there- 
fore displays high rates of replacement and changes in 
shape and decoration. Ceramic typologies are based on 
wares, defined by clay type, temper, production tech- 
nique and firing, or by shapes and possible decoration. 
Wares point to clay deposits and modes of production, 
shapes point to use, decoration to artists, messages and 
social contacts, and all three indicate dates and areas of 
origin [13]. There are, therefore, many meaningful pos- 
sibilities for classification, although only in a few cases, 
for instance in that of Greek prize amphorae, is it cer- 
tain that today’s types correspond to ancient classifi- 

8. Chronology 

Stratigraphy, typology, studies of style and seriation 
are archaeological methods for obtaining relative chro- 
nologies. Relative chronologies determine the chrono- 
logical relationships of two or more archaeological con- 
texts or objects. Absolute chronology, on the other 
hand, gives a precise date, by texts and coins, for exam- 
ple. The latter provide the contexts in which they were 
found with a date after which the contexts must have 
been created (terminus post quem). Most absolute dates 
rely on comparisons with securely dated objects. 
Through long archaeological practice a dense network 
of dates has thus been developed for almost all objects. 
Since the time of Thomsen, seriation (see above) has 
been one of the methods used in this. While at that time 
individual objects and generalised formal trends were 
compared, the method has become more precise with 
more finds from excavations. Since specific types devel- 
oped, gained in popularity and fell out of fashion, no 
longer only their presence, but also their frequency is 
included in the seriation. With the Brainerd-Robinson 
matrix of 1951 [20], not only similar proportions of 
types in various units but also their differences were 
taken into account. Both were placed in relation to each 
other, and the percentage of similarity between any two 
units was thus compared. Since then, various coeffi- 
cients of similarity and other statistical methods (cluster 
analysis) have been introduced to describe similarities 
between groups of artefacts. 


Scientific methods provide absolute dates. Various 
methods are based on the measurement of the rates of 
decay of radioactive material. Of these, radiocarbon 
(14C) dating [4. Z3-34] can also be used in historical 
periods. This method is based on the principle that liv- 
ing organisms absorb small quantities of radioactive 
14C along with air. The difference between the quantity 
of 14C in dead organisms and that in living ones can be 
calculated in years by means of the known half-life of 
14C. However, since the concentration of 14C has 
varied over the course of the earth’s history, the dates 
have to be calibrated. This is done using dendrochro- 
nology [4. 35-46], which is based on growth rings of 
trees forming differently each year because of climatic 
variations. By comparing tree ring sequences, pieces of 
wood can be dated to a specific year, in central Europe 
as far back as c. 10,000 BC. Wood samples can, on the 
one hand, help with the calibration of 14C dates, while 
on the other hand, they can provide the date when the 
tree was felled, e.g. for the construction of a house. 
Thermoluminescence is a method for dating objects 
with mineral content, especially pottery. Here the 
radioactivity that has been absorbed since firing is re- 
leased and measure by heating the sample to a high 
temperature [4. 46-6Z; 10. 398-418]. 

9. Analogies and Ethnoarchaeology 

To be able to answer more specific questions of 
social and economic or functional history, archaeology 
makes intensive use of analogies, which are often ob- 
tained through ethnoarchaeology. From the beginnings 
of archaeology, artefacts were described using anal- 
ogies, which were taken from ethnological observa- 
tions, especially of one’s own culture. This is as true of 
the identification of ceramic pottery vessels as jugs, as it 
is for that of sculptures as art. Ethnoarchaeology devel- 
oped in the 1960s as a reflexive method out of dissatis- 
faction with the subjectivity and lack of consistency of 
analogies. Archaeologists themselves now studied 
behaviours in societies in specific ecological and social 
circumstances, in order to close the gap between ar- 
chaeological finds and features and the past activities 
that had led to their creation. In the process, the 
demands that were made of analogies have grown con- 
stantly [1. 85-108]. The combination of various anal- 
ogies aims to explain complex political and social rela- 
tions, e.g. the behaviour of nomads between major pol- 

10. Social Organization 

The centrality of social organization as a topic in ar- 
chaeology has been variously addressed above. The lev- 
els of social organization are inferred from settlement 
systems (see above) and communal building projects, 
e.g. temples and canals, and potential conflicts from 
fortifications. The intra-site comparison of the architec- 
ture and furnishings of private dwellings and the com- 
parison of tombs and of their funerary furnishings en- 
able more detailed analyses. The organization of labour 
may be inferred front the degree of specialization within 
settlements and in the manufacturing process, e.g. in its 

Z30 archaeological methods and theories 

standardization. Thus, it has been possible to distin- 
guish the hands of different craftsmen on Greek temples 
or on the reliefs of Persepolis, and the organization of 
group labour has been clarified. The reconstruction of 
ancient technologies is a separate, quite diverse area, 
which ranges from the study of ancient mines and smel- 
ting to the analysis of tool traces and casting processes, 
or the production rate of pottery. 

11. Trade and Exchange 

An important aspect of social organization is how 
symbols and goods were exchanged [ 14. 335-68]. This 
includes limited exchange on a local or socially equal 
level (peer polity interaction) as well as super-regional 
trade. This is attested, e.g. by the discovery of imports 
and imitations of objects as well as of shipwrecks by 
underwater archaeology. Special cases are identifiable 
workshops of Greek vase-producers or stamped 
Roman amphorae, whose distribution as receptacles of 
the actual traded goods can be traced perfectly. Trade is 
represented on distribution maps. In the case of trade 
with Roman pottery the supply areas of specific work- 
shops can be distinguished using distribution maps that 
incorporate quantified data. A multitude of scientific 
analyses of the compositions of the material [14. 343— 
50] can help to identify the provenance of metals, glass 
and pottery. The type of trade, i.e. direct, via middle- 
men or on a market, can be inferred from the distribu- 
tion and manufacture of objects. The sum of these ob- 
servations leads to the identification of general ex- 
change mechanisms, which in economic history are 
separated into reciprocal exchange, redistribution and 
market exchange. 

iz. Meaning 

As in the case of texts, the reception history of 
objects begins with their completion. Even their func- 
tional meaning can often be determined only by the 
contexts in which they were used. Function frequently 
varies with the contexts, e.g. as a cubic object or as an 
object of everyday use. However, new interpretative 
possibilities are opened up when, for instance, several 
statues in context receive a new meaning as a collective 
programme. Variation of meaning also holds for pic- 
torial motifs, which are often considered to have repre- 
sented explicit messages, but which may take on differ- 
ent meanings in the context of a grave or a household. 
Motifs may even have been chosen deliberately because 
of their ambiguity, or on the other hand by chance. A 
multitude of meanings certainly arises in past and, even 
more so, in modern interpretations, by incorporating 
different kinds of background knowledge. Antique pic- 
torial motifs in Christian interpretation may serve as an 
example. Thus, interpretation is possible only within a 
broad concept of iconology. The symbolic, e.g. magical 
content of objects or meaning relevant to status, can, if 
at all, only be reconstructed through reflexive herme- 
neutic processes that make use of as many varied 
sources as possible (see above). 


23 2, 

13. Natural Sciences 

Zooarchaeology and archaeobotany are concerned 
with ecofacts, while physical anthropology and human 
osteology deal with human remains. Diet, domestica- 
tion of animals and the development of agriculture can 
be inferred from the identification of animal bones and 
plant remains as well as from tooth wear. Bones of wild 
animals, mollusks and pollen analyses enable an exten- 
sive reconstruction of environmental conditions. Pollen 
cores attest to variations in climate. Slaughtering prac- 
tices, identified by the age of slaughtered young ani- 
mals, help to determine whether settlements were used 
seasonally. Vessels are increasingly studied for remains 
of their contents. 

In addition to the scientific dating and prospection 
approaches, diverse methods of material analysis are 
available for identifying metal alloys or techniques. 
Specific combinations of minerals in ceramics facilitate 
the identification of the origin of clay. These combina- 
tions can be identified with thin section analysis or neu- 
tron activation analysis, where smallest quantities of 
ceramics are fired at with neutrons, which activate the 
trace elements [13. 140-50]. However, all too often sci- 
entific methods are not employed or remain unconnect- 
ed alongside discourse in the humanities. A new exam- 
ple of the latter is the debate surrounding genetic ana- 
lyses, which are used, e.g. for ascertaining kinship in 
burial grounds. But they are also used for determining 
ethnic relationships between ancient and modern peo- 
ples. In contrast, sociology and ethnology emphasize 
the socially constructed nature and changeability of 
ethnic definitions of foreignness and sameness, which 
have nothing to do with genes. This debate is part of a 
renewed discussion about whether humans are deter- 
mined by biology or by culture which has accompanied 
the development of archaeological methods and theo- 
ries since the 19th cent. 

->■ Antiquities collections; -* Classical Archae- 
ology; ->■ Cultural anthropology; ->■ Epochs, 
concept of; -> Near Eastern archaeology; 

-> Prints, books containing; -> Style, Style analy- 
sis, Stylistic analysis; -» Underwater archaeol- 

1 R. Bernbeck, Theorien in der Archaologie, 1997 2 L. 
R. and S. R. Binford (eds.), New Perspectives in Archae- 
ology, 1968 3 A. H. Borbein, Zur Entwicklung der 

archaologischen Forschung im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert, 
in: R. Kurzrock (ed.), Archaologie: Forschung und 
Information, 1977, 28-42 4 D. R. Brothwell and 

A. M. Pollard, Handbook of Archaeological Sciences, 
2001 5 D. F. Clarke, Analytical Archaeology, 1968 

6 M. A. Courty et ah, Soils and Micromorphology in Ar- 
chaeology, 1989 7 E. C. Harris, Principles of Archaeo- 
logical Stratigraphy, 2 r 9 89 8 I. Hodder, The Archaeo- 
logical Process, 1999 9 I. Hodder and S. Hudson, 

Reading the Past: Current Approaches to interpretation in 
Archaeology, ’2003 10 M. Johnson, Archaeological 

Theory, 1999 11 G. Lock, Using Computers in Archae- 
ology, 2003 12 G. Lucas, Critical Approaches to Field- 
work, 2001 13 C. Orton et ah, Pottery in Archaeology, 
1993 14 C. Renfrew and P. Bahn, Archaeology: Theo- 

ries, Methods and Practice, 4 2oo4 IS R. Rottlander, 
Einfiihrung in die naturwissenschaflichen Methoden in 
der Archaologie 1983 16 M. B. Schiffer, Formation 

Processes of the Archaeological Record, 1987 17 A. 

Schnapp, La conquete du passe: aux origines de l’archeo- 
logie, 1993 18 I. Scollar et ah, Archaeological Prospec- 
ting and Remote Sensing, 1990 19 M. Shanks and C. 

Tilley, Social Theory and Archaeology, 1987 20 S.Shen- 
nan, Quantifying Archaeology, 1 1997 21 B. G. Trigger, 
A History of Archaeological Thought, 1991. STEFAN 


Archaeological Park 

A. Basic Concept B. Precursors 
C. Important Archaeological Parks D. Con- 
temporary Uses 

A. Basic Concept 

The Archaeological Park (AP) concept is not well- 
defined, and how the AP differs from great excavation 
areas, with many restored, rebuilt or reconstructed 
buildings (such as -» Athens, the agora with the stoa of 
Attalus; Ephesus, the library of Celsus; Pergamon, Trai- 
aneum) is not clear. The concept emerged for the first 
time in Germany at the beginning of the 1970s. Inspired 
by the methodological and theoretical discussions tak- 
ing place at that time in the field of museum publicity, 
those in charge of managing archaeological cultural re- 
sources also started to reflect on their aims, subject 
matter and possible didactic initiatives. All this was fur- 
ther stimulated by the obvious growth of the interest of 
mass tourism in archaeological sites. The view devel- 
oped that excavations should not be oriented only 
towards scientific goals and that, along with the neces- 
sary protection of building remains, the archaeological 
sites should meet the expectations of larger categories 
of visitors. A central role was assigned to the demand 
for visual realism. In many Mediterranean countries, 
because the remains of ancient buildings are better pre- 
served, this is attainable by reusing original building 
parts in the reconstruction (anastylosis). 

By contrast, more comprehensive forms of visitor- 
oriented treatment of the in situ remains are necessary 
in Central Europe. The AP concept pursues a particu- 
larly imaginative form of visualization. Exponents of 
traditional management of cultural resources, some of 
whom apply A. Riegl’s categories of the monument val- 
ue of the historical buildings also to AP, are critically 
opposed to this. 

An AP does not just restrict itself to presenting the 
original foundations of buildings left visible in the field 
which it then usually protects with a little restoration 
masonry. Rather, it is characterized by an ensemble of 
wholly or partially reconstructed buildings on the his- 
torical site, i.e. superimposed on the original in situ 
finds which have usually only been minimally pre- 
served (see infra on the concept of reconstruction). Both 
of these characteristics distinguish an AP from the usual 
open air museum, which mostly consists of a series of 
historical monuments, moved out of their original con- 




texts, or freely adapted structures, i.e., those 
reconstructed on another site (Alphen a.d. Rijn/Holl- 
and, Archeon; Augst/Switzerland, the Roman House; 
Berg en Dal/Holland, the Bijbels Openluchtmuseum; 
Malibu/USA, the J.P. Getty Museum; Unteruhldingen/ 
Germany, pile dwelling settlement). The reconstruction 
over the original finds is sometimes criticized as a vio- 
lation of Art. 15 of the Venice Chart (1964), which only 
allows the use of anastylosis on archaeological sites. 
The surroundings of the buildings in an AP are usually 
created though landscape gardening; trees and hedges 
may partly serve as substitutes for previously existing 
architectural structures (Fig. 4). These attributes can be 
found already in the castellum from Saalburg im Tau- 
nus, which was partially rebuilt towards the end of the 
19th cent, and can be seen as an early forerunner of the 
AP. Some older open air museums, organized especially 
on pre- and protohistorical settlement sites (such as 
those in Biskupin/Poland, Eketorp/Sweden, Gro(Ra- 
den/Germany) also show traits related to the AP. 
Finally, even before the 1970s, some archaeological 
sites, such as those in Magdalensberg/ Austria, Schwar- 
zenacker/Germany or sections from Hadrian’s Wall/ 
Great Britain, were shaped through comprehensive re- 
construction, restoration and landscaping measures, 
and thus all have the characteristics of the present-day 
AP Isolated elements can be found also on archaeologi- 
cal sites of the Mediterranean area (Ampurias/Spain). 

B. Precursors 

Saalburg/Germany (reconstruction begun in 1898; 
full reconstruction of fortification wall, of the principia, 
of the horreum , and of two barracks; partial recon- 
struction of the praetorium); Magdalensberg/Austria 
(begun in 1949; full reconstruction of approximately 
Z5 houses and trade shops), Romermuseum Schwar- 
zenacker/Germany (begun in 1966; full and partial re- 
construction of several houses.) 

C. Important Archaeological Parks 

The Xanten AP (begun in 1973; representation of 
the ancient road system in the environs; partial recon- 
struction of the amphitheater and of the port temple; 
full reconstruction of the guest house with protruding 
portico and baths, a section of the city wall with several 
towers and the northern city gate; protective building 
over the public baths, Fig. 3); the Cambodunum AP/ 
Germany (begun in 1983; full or partial reconstruction 
of several sacred buildings and of the portico of the 
Gallo-Roman temple area); the Carnuntum AP/Austria 
(begun in 1988; full reconstruction of the Diana temple 
with protruding portico; partial reconstruction of the 
amphitheater planned). 

The construction techniques and materials for the 
reconstructions of AP follow, as closely as possible, the 
ancient models. The compatibility of the modern addi- 
tions with the construction materials used in the origi- 
nal finds is seen as an important criterion in the execu- 
tion of the building. The dividing line between the origi- 

nal finds and the reconstructions is made recognizable 
mostly by the use of various visible means (protruding 
edges, a lead band, or rows of bricks). Besides the thor- 
ough analysis of the archaeological context, the pre- 
served construction parts and other significant evi- 
dence, similar and better preserved buildings of the 
same type and, where appropriate, ancient written 
sources, such as M. Vitruvius Pollio are used as well in 
the reconstruction. The goal is to achieve the maximum 
of scientifically-founded realism and authenticity. 
Finally, an indirect goal of the reconstruction is a 
knowledge of ancient building techniques that can only 
be gained from practice. Nevertheless, no such replica 
can ever bean exact copy in every detail of its model: the 
knowledge gaps regarding many details admit alterna- 
tive solutions. The necessity of deciding on one of sev- 
eral conceivable possibilities is inevitably a simplifica- 
tion that can only have the nature of an approximation. 
Thus the similarity of the replica to the ancient model 
varies. While the reconstruction of Mediterranean 
sacral architecture, because of its canonical use of 
forms, is possible even in great detail on the basis of a 
few significant building parts and can receive further 
authentication through comparison (Xanten, the port 
temple; Carnuntum, the Diana temple), the reconstruc- 
tion of secular buildings, such as houses, trade shops, 
baths and the like, and also of indigenous sacred build- 
ings is burdened with considerably greater uncertainty. 
That is why the reconstructions in AP are frequently 
better described as models at a 1:1 scale. 

The model character of the reconstructions is espe- 
cially obvious in those details carried out to achieve 
immediate didactic purposes: only partially plastered 
wall surfaces and wall segments (Xanten, amphithea- 
ter; Schwarzenacker, House 3; Kempten, the hall of the 
Gallo-Roman temple area), columns in various stages 
of completeness, and sections where polychromy is in- 
dicated (Xanten, the port temple), cut or half-finished 
walls (Xanten, city wall; Magdalensberg, houses from 
the south slope) are supposed to offer insights into an- 
cient construction techniques and indications of the 
architectural characteristics of the original buildings. 
Finally, seared beam stumps and broken down walls are 
attempts to include in the reconstruction even the his- 
torical dimension, in this case, the destruction of the 
building (Schwarzenacker, house 16-17, Fig. 1). 

Because of mostly fragmentary knowledge, the ar- 
rangement of the interior in full reconstructions is usu- 
ally patterned on finds from better preserved sites and 
has, therefore, the character of an ideal type; also sup- 
plying the rooms with furniture, utensils, etc. is fre- 
quently accomplished by introducing copies of finds 
from other places or free imitations fashioned with the 
aid of pictorial representations. The wall paintings usu- 
ally follow models from geographically neighbouring 
regions and from the same time period (Xanten, the 
guest house; Fig. 2), to which, in some cases, the similar 
function of the building is added (Xanten, the baths of 
the guest house). The reconstruction and organization 


Fig. i: Schwarzenacker, recreated wall of House 16-17. 
With Permission of the author 


Fig. 2: Xanten, Archeological park: guest rooms 
at the park inn. 

With Permission of the author 

Fig. 3: Xanten, 
park: amphitheatre, 
inn, city wall, 
towers and gates. 
With Permission of 
the author 




Fig. 4: Kempten, Archaeological park: 
sacred buildings. 

With Permission of the author 

of space used for trade, such as tabernae or tbermopolia 
is mostly based on well preserved counterparts from 
Ostia and from the towns near Vesuvius (Xanten, ther- 
mopolium in the guest house; Schwarzenacker, taberna 
house 1). These locations also offer the models for 
reconstructions of functional bath installations and 
windows true to the original (Xanten, the thermae from 
the guest house). A special case is the protective build- 
ing over the public baths in Xanten which, although 
constructed of contemporary glass and steel, repro- 
duces the overall appearance and size of the ancient 

D. Contemporary Uses 

The reconstructed buildings are used in various 
ways. The most immediate connection between the an- 
cient site and the reconstruction is realized when the 
contemporary building serves both to protect and to 
display the original remains (Xanten, the port temple: 
the podium extends freely over the foundation slab). 
But they may be also used as exhibition spaces (Mag- 
dalensberg; Saalburg), as halls for various kinds of per- 
formances (Xanten, Amphitheater) or for the housing 
of gastronomic facilities (Xanten, the Guest House; 
Schwarzenacker, House 1). 

Publicity for the AP offers a wide range of informa- 
tion, geared to the needs of individual visitors, visitor 
groups, as well as special groups (short guides, display 
panels, visits guided by professionals, guided tours to 
the excavations, audio guides, special tours for the dis- 
abled, special events etc.). The possibility of actively 
engaging the visitor is greatly valued (Roman board- 
and skill games in the Xanten AP). 

1 C. Ahrens, Wiederaufgebaute Vorzeit. Archaologische 
Freilichtmuseen in Europa, 1990 2 Architektur und 

Denkmalpflege. Bericht iiber ein Kolloquium, veranstaltet 
vom Architekturreferat des DAI in Berlin 6.-8. 11. 1975. 
Diskussionen zur archaologischen Bauforschung. 2, n.d. 
3 W. Eder, Unsichtbares sichtbar machen - Uberlegungen 
zum Nutzen und Schaden des Wiederaufbaus antiker 

Denkmaler, in: Denkmalpflege und Tourismus. MilStrau- 
ische Distanz oder fruchtbare Partnerschaft. Vortrage und 
Diskussionsergebnisse. Internationales Symposion, 26.- 
29. 11. 1986 Trier, 1987, 38-57 4 R. G. K. F. Gollmann 
et. al., Archaologischer Park. Carnuntum 1, n.d. 5 W. 
Jobst (ed.), Symposion ‘Antike Ruinen nordlich der 
Alpen und die Moglichkeiten ihrer Presentation’, 14.- 
17.7. 1988 Bad Deutsch Altenburg, Carnuntum Jahr- 
Buch, 1989, 1990 6 Landschaftsverband Rheinland (ed.), 
Colonia Ulpia Traiana. 1.-6. Arbeitsbericht zu den Gra- 
bungen und Rekonstruktionen. Veroffentlichungen zum 
Aufbau des A.P. Xanten, 1978-1984 7 A. Miron, Denk- 
malpflege und Tourismus am Beispiel des Romermuseums 
Schwarzenacker und des Europaischen Kulturparks Blies- 
briick-Reinheim, in: Denkmalpflege und Tourismus 2. 
Vortrage und Diskussionsergebnisse, 2. Internationales 
Symposion 9.-12. 11.1988 Trier, 1989, 42-55 8 G. Pic- 
cottini, H. Vetters, Fiihrer durch die Ausgrabungen auf 
dem Magdalensberg, 3 198 5 9 G. Precht, H.-J. Schal- 
les, Archaologischer Park/Regionalmuseum Xanten - 
Entwicklungsmoglichkeiten und Zukunftsperspektiven, 
in: Id. (eds.), Spurenlese. Beitrage zur Geschichte. des 
Xantener Raumes, 1989, 297-305 10 A. Rieche, 

Archaologische Rekonstruktionen: Ziele und Wirkung, 
in: Xantener Berichte 6, 1995, 449-473 11 H. Schmidt, 
Wiederaufbau. Denkmalpflege an archaologischen Stat- 
ten 2, 1993, 231-238 12 Id., Konservieren oder Rekon- 
struieren? Zur Presentation archaologischer Grabungs- 
platze, Xantener Berichte. 5, 1994, 77-87 13 Verband der 
Landesarchaologen in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland 
(ed.), Sinn und Unsinn archaologischer Restaurierungen 
und Rekonstruktionen. Kolloquium Traunstein 17.-20.9. 
1990, 1991 14 G. Ulbert, G. Weber (eds.), Konservierte 
Geschichte? Antike Bauten und ihre Erhaltung, 1985 
15 G. Weber, APC. Archaologischer Park. Cambodu- 
num. 1. Abschnitt. Der Gallo-romische. Tempelbezirk, 



Archaeological Structural Research 



The concept of structural ‘research’ was coined by 
Arniin von Gerkan in 1924 to denote the field of activ- 
ity of architects working exclusively or predominantly 
on the history of monuments [2]. The historical period 
to which the architect devoted his research was initially 
irrelevant here. Thus, von Gerkan himself left behind a 
scientific body of work stretching from Neolithic burial 
structures to medieval churches, although the main 
focus of his interest was Classical antiquity. Since the 
career designation architectural ‘researcher’ is now 
used officially by building physicists in modern civil en- 
gineering, the term ‘archaeological structural resear- 
cher’ has become customary to designate building his- 
torians who concern themselves with the science of 
excavation. In contrast to a purely art-historical 
approach to structures, for structural research the 
building itself, with all its details, is the source of more 
advanced historical knowledge. This means that the 
graphic reconstruction of a building in its individual 
developmental phases takes place by means of observa- 
tion, measurement, and the drawing of all parts of the 
building, the catalogued pattern and interpretation of 
which is obtained by plotting both ground plan and 
cross section [7] stone by stone, including deformati- 
ons. Only when the global concept of a historical build- 
ing has been obtained in this way does architectural 
evaluation take place. The optimal precondition for 
such a working procedure is architectural training, 
since the architect, by means of his prior knowledge of 
practical construction and his trained capacity for spa- 
tial representation, is best able to evaluate complex 
structural ensembles, through their transposition into 
two- and three-dimensional representations. Needless 
to say, prior knowledge of measurement techniques and 
statics is essential here [3]. 

B. History 

Architectural structural research (ASR) appeals to 
the confrontation, already attested many times in Anti- 
quity, between architects and the architectural histori- 
cal development prior to their time, as in the case of the 
Roman architect Vitruvius in his 10 volumes De archi- 
tecture a. It is with the resumption of the paradigmatic 
nature of ancient architecture in the -> Renaissance, 
that we know of the earliest detailed technical drawings 
by architects of ancient buildings and parts of buildings 
[4] (Fig. 1). With the triumphant march of -> Classi- 
cism in European architecture in the mid-i8th cent., 
architects enthusiastic for Antiquity, primarily from 
England and France, sallied forth more and more often 
to Italy and the lands of the Eastern Mediterranean, still 
under Ottoman rule, in order to study, measure, and 
reconstruct the ruins of Classical Antiquity. Their 
publications were eagerly received throughout Europe, 

to serve as models of accomplished architectural art for 
contemporary architecture [5] (Fig. 2). In the 19th and 
20th cents., until the outbreak of the First World War, 
knowledge of ancient architecture was the uncontested 
goal of architectural training, even long after other his- 
toricist building forms had come into fashion. From the 
outset, architects had assumed a leading role in the 
great national excavations on classical soil, which were 
not undertaken in Germany until after the foundation 
of the Empire in 1871. In particular, students from the 
Berlin Bauakademie refined their structural investiga- 
tions, and also contributed in no small measure to the 
development of excavating techniques. As the architect 
Wilhelm Doerpfeld, having been trained since 1877 at 
-> Olympia, eventually took over as responsible leader 
of various excavations in Greece and on the west coast 
of Asia Minor, so, since 1898, the excavations of the 
-> Deutsche Orient-Gesellschaft at -> Babylon 
under Robert Koldewey, and subsequently at Assur 
under Walter Andrae, were initially purely the domain 
of architects. In Egypt as well, the architect Ludwig Bor- 
chert led numerous digs since 1907, in particular the 
state excavation of Tell Amarna. 

After 1918, excavation activity on classical soil was 
completely disrupted, and the unfortunate circum- 
stance that ASR was not yet recognized as a fully- 
fledged discipline of classical studies alongside the in- 
vestigation of classical architecture led to difficult times 
for many ASR professionals. This situation was criti- 
cized by Armin von Gerkan in his polemical essay [2], 
which led in 1926 to many ASR professionals to form 
the Koldewey-Gesellschaft, Vereinigung fur bauge- 
schichtliche Forschung, in order to promote the recog- 
nition of their field and to support new talent. 

Following some initially heated confrontations, the 
association largely achieved this goal upon the resump- 
tion of the foreign excavations, especially since there 
was not yet any lack of teachers and students in the 
Departments of the history of architecture at the tech- 
nical colleges, who were interested in ASR and were 
ready to become engaged in it. This did not change im- 
mediately after 1945, although foreign excavations ini- 
tially came to a standstill once again. Owing to the re- 
construction of the destroyed cities, however, research 
interests in German architectural training shifted dras- 
tically. Research on medieval architectural monuments, 
preservation of historical monuments and theory of 
architecture were then urgent concerns in the face of 
dwindling historical interest[8J for which reasons ASR 
was rolled back in most Institutes of architectural histo- 
ry. The -> Deutsches Archaologisches Institut 
(DAI) therefore established a Architecture Section at its 
head office in Berlin in 1973, with permanent positions 
for researchers, in order to take charge of the promo- 
tion of new talent, particularly in ASR, to meet the 
needs of the excavation activities of its institutions, 
alongside the Koldewey-Gesellschaft, now functioning 
effectively, and several Chairs in architectural history 
(Fig. 3). Only France, with the establishment of the 



Fig. 1: Ionic capital in Rome, 
Santi Apostoli. Anonymous scale 
drawing, first half of the 
1 6th cent. 

Reproduced with permission of 
the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale 
di Firenze 

Fig. 2: Athens, Acropolis. Scale 
drawing of the Erechtheum 1752 

Fig. 3: Ionic capital from Aezani, 
first cent. AD. Drawing from the 
Aezani excavation. 

Deutsches Archaologisches 


Institut de recherche sur /’ architecture antique du 
CNRS, has gone beyond this attempt to render ASR 
more independent of the waning interest of the techni- 
cal universities. 

C. Fields of Activity 

The widespread specialization and autonomization 
of many fields of Classical studies scarcely affected 
ASR, since the trained architectural researcher always 
approaches historical buildings from the most various 
eras and cultural circles with the same method. In addi- 
tion, training in ASR additionally provides a basis for 
work in the conservation of monuments and in restora- 
tion projects. The breadth of the versatility of ASR is 
shown, for instance, by the DAI, under whose aegis 
work is being carried out by ASR specialists in the Egyp- 
tian, Mesopotamian, Hittite, Greco-Roman, Early 
Christian-Byzantine and Islamic cultural spheres. In 
recent times, they have been joined by ASR specialists 
who deal with the Pre-Hispanic architecture of America 
and the Eurasian cultural area. Essential to their pro- 
fession is that they view themselves as researchers who 
work in cooperation with other branches of classical 
studies to illuminate the cultural history of ancient 
periods through the investigation of individual monu- 
ments, buildings, settlement layouts, and colonial struc- 
tures, utilizing the most obvious heritage of ancient cul- 
tures, architecture. The coherence of ASR in German- 
speaking lands is promoted by the Koldewey-Gesell- 
schaft with its biennial Tagungen fitr Ausgrabungsivis- 
senschaft und Bauforschung [6], and the Architecture 
Section of the DAI, with an informal series of colloquia 
on ASR [ij. 

-> Amarna; ->■ Assur; ->■ Babylon; -> Olympia; -> Vitru- 

1 Architektur-Referat des Deutschen Archaologischen 
Institut (ed.), Diskussionen zur archaologischen Baufor- 
schung 1974; 2 A. von Gerkan, Die gegenwartige Lage 
der archaologischen Bauforschung in Deutschland, 1924 
(reprinted in: E. Boehringer (ed.), Von antiker Architektur 
und Topographie, 1959, 9-13). 3 Id., Grundlegendes 

zur Darstellungsmethode. Kursus fiir Bauforschung. 1930 
(repr. in: E. Boehringer (ed.), Von antiker Architektur und 
Topographie, 1959, 99-10 6) 4 H. Gunther, Das Stu- 

dium der antiken Architektur in den Zeichnungen der Re- 
naissance, 1988 5 W. Hoepfner, E.-L. Schwandner, 

Die Entdeckung der griechischen Bauten, in: Berlin und 
die Antike, Catalogue 1979, 291 ff 6 Koldewey- 
Gesellschaft (ed), Berichte liber die Tagung fiir Aus- 
grabungswissenschaft und Bauforschung, 1926 7 G. 

Mader, Die Bauaufnahme, in: Petzet/Mader, Praktische 
Denkmalpflege, 1993, 156-267 8 W. Schirmer, Bau- 

forschung an den Instituten fiir Baugeschichte der Tech- 
nischen Hochschulen, in: J. Cramer (ed.) Bauforschung 
und Denkmalpflege, 1987, 25-29 

Additional Bibliography: J. Bouquillard, La 
resurrection de Pompei. Dessins d’archeologues des 
XVIIIe et XIXe siecles, 2000; N. T. De Grummond, An 
Encyclopedia of the History of Classical Archaeology, 
1 996; T. Doremus, Classical Styles in Modern Architec- 
ture: From the Colonnade to Disjunctured Space, 1994; F. 


Salmon, Building on Ruins: The Rediscovery of Rome 

and English Architecture, 2000. 


Archaic period see-> Epochs, concept of 
Archaicism see-> Classicism 

Architectural Copy/Citation 

A. Introduction B. Middle Ages 
C. 15TH-17TH Cent. D. i8th and l 9TH Cents. 
E. Post-Modern period 

A. Introduction 

The terms ‘copy’ and ‘citation’ are not clearly de- 
fined or conceptually separated as far as their usage in 
the discipline of architectural history is concerned. 
While the literal adoption of a text or part of it is termed 
‘citation’ in literature, the exact reproduction of a 
building or an architectural motif is referred to mainly 
as ‘copy’ in architecture. On the other hand, ‘citation’ 
tends to refer to the creatively modified adoption of 
individual elements and of forms taken out of a coher- 
ent whole, although the deliberate reference to the mod- 
el must remain recognizable. The boundaries in relation 
to other methodologies of architectural reception and 
of the appropriation of forms from the architecture of 
previous periods cannot always be clearly defined. 

B. Middle Ages 

In spite of the continued use of individual Classical 
architectural elements such as columns, and apart from 
the special case of the Pantheon, it was the early Chris- 
tian architecture of Late Antiquity that became particu- 
larly significant in the Middle Ages as a citable point of 
reference from the time of Antiquity. Reference to the 
architecture of early Christianity always aimed at the 
religious or political meanings attributed to these build- 
ings, and thus was barely or only secondarily motivated 
by aesthetics. In general it can be said that the model 
was not replicated in toto but was recalled through the 
citation of a few architectural characteristics. Conse- 
quently, in the Middle Ages there were no copies in the 
sense of exact replicas of early Christian models from 
Late Antiquity; ‘copying’ occurred through citations, 
through the adoption of significant architectural fea- 
tures of the model [16]. This could be done by simply 
having the same number of columns as the model, a 
similar ground plan, a comparable sequence of space or 
through other such means. 

The group of monuments that were taken as models 
was relatively limited. The buildings most frequently 
drawn upon were the early Christian basilicas of Rome, 
particularly St. Peter’s, and the Church of the Holy Sep- 
ulchre in Jerusalem, both established by Constantine. 
The architectural features adopted from San Vitale in 
Ravenna (526-547) [2] (Figs, r, 2), which left their 
mark on the architecture of the Palatine Chapel of 
Charlemagne in Aachen (786-800), still represent a 



Fig. 1: Interior of the Palatine Chapel 
(now Cathedral) in Aachen 

24 6 

Fig. 2: Interior of San Vitale in Ravenna 

Fig. 3: Plan of Old St Peter's in Rome. 
Reproduced with Permission of 
A. Arbeiter 

Fig. 4: Plan of the Carolingian 
abbey church of Saint Denis. 
Copyright by Zeitschrift fur 
Kunstgeschichte (Aachen/Basel) 

Fig. 5: Plan of the Abbey Church 
in Fulda. 

Copyright by Zeitschrift fur 
Kunstgeschichte (Aachen/Basel) 




unique case. The motivations for this choice of model, 
however, cannot be determined clearly, especially as 
other models besides the church of Ravenna were avail- 
able to the Carolingians. Moreover, these architectural 
citations - octagonal central building with a two-storey 
gallery or the two-storey column arrangement with a 
triple arcade - were in this case expanded into a com- 
plex interlacing of references to the past through ma- 
terial borrowing in the form of spolia from Rome and 

In the early Carolingian period the basilica in St. 
Denis (768-775) started the orientation towards the 
model of old St. Peter’s, illustrated by the continuous 
transept of the Roman model and the imitation of the 
ring crypt of the tomb of Peter [14; 17] (Figs. 3, 4). The 
layout of a transept, especially a transept situated 
towards the west (e.g. Fulda c. 802-819, Fig. 5), and 
more generally the western orientation adopted from 
St. Peter’s instead of the otherwise usual easterly direc- 
tion, as well as an altar also situated in the west and 
dedicated to St. Peter, can since then be regarded as a 
reference to the Roman model. Even ifthe column or 
pillar arcades of Gothic cathedrals are, on the other 
hand, understood as allusions to early Christian basi- 
licas [21. 22], then this is not so much in terms of a 
concrete building as a model; rather, this pillar motif 
more generally cites the model of the pillar basilica as a 
visualization of a concept of the early Christian and 
Roman Church. In spite of the respective time-specific 
differentiations, it is generally possible to relate the ori- 
entation towards Roman models and especially 
towards St. Peter’s Basilica to the web of ideas of the 
universal primacy of Rome in political, religious or cul- 
tural life. 

The same procedural methods of copying can be 
demonstrated for the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in 
Jerusalem [4; 10. 84-101]. The ground plan of a central 
building with an internal annular support structure, the 
number of columns, the expansion of the central build- 
ing by means of three apsides - these architectural fea- 
tures alone or in combination can guarantee the refer- 
ence to the model. In addition to these citations that 
identified a church as a replica of the Church of the 
Holy Sepulchre, the urban layout was able to portray 
the sacred topography of Jerusalem [19]. Such an archi- 
tectonic visualization of the holy sites was suggested by 
the idea that the life Christ was reenacted in the liturgy 
during the Church year. 

C. 15TH-17TH Cent. 

-> Humanism and the studies of Antiquity conduc- 
ted since the 1 5th cent, fundamentally changed the con- 
ditions for a recourse on the part of contemporary 
architecture to that of Antiquity. The architectural dis- 
covery of Classical buildings, their survey and record- 
ing that are already attested for Filippo Brunelleschi 
and Leon Battista Alberti and that reached their high 
point in Pope Leo X’s plan for Raphael to make an 
inventory and reconstruct the entirety of ancient Rome, 

had as a consequence a considerable increase in the 
knowledge of Classical architecture. The direct engage- 
ment with Classical edifices, the recording of ground 
plans, elevations or details of architectonic ornamenta- 
tion are thus documented for just about every architect 
of the quattro- and cinquecento [12]. In the 17th cent, 
this architectural research became even more intensive 


The systematic scrutinization of traditional Classical 
architecture was ultimately motivated by the search for 
principles and standards of Classical architectural crea- 
tion [6. 276LJ; Classical architecture was also reflected 
accordingly in the architectural theory of this period. 
The third book of Sebastiano Serlio’s architectural 
treatise (II terzo libro ... nel quale si figurano e descri- 
vono le Antichitd di Roma, Venice 1540) and the treat- 
ment of Classical buildings in the third and fourth book 
of Andrea Palladio’s I quattro libri dell’architettura 
(Venice 1570) contributed significantly to the spreading 
of this practice. In this way the study of Antiquity had 
its place in the context of an art-theoretical discourse on 
the aesthetic conditions of architecture. In connection 
with this the model of Antiquity was primarily dis- 
cussed in terms of the extent to which Classical archi- 
tecture was able to set rules and standards which had to 
be emulated or even changed and surpassed [20]. 

Imitation of nature or Antiquity became a funda- 
mental postulate of art and architectural theory that 
created - compared with the Middle Ages - completely 
new prerequisites for the adoption of Classical architec- 
tural styles whether through imitation or even through 
copying. This practice was no longer guided by occa- 
sional adoptions of meaning but developed into the 
normal case which was justified by aesthetics: architec- 
tural language that had been Classically trained made 
use of Classical vocabulary. First and foremost this in- 
cluded the system of Classical pillar arrangements as 
supports and the subdivision of walls, a system that 
with its elements - columns, wall pillars, cornices, 
architraves and triangular gables - had a determining 
influence on the outward appearance of architecture 
right through to the 19th cent. [1 1], As the extant Clas- 
sical pillar arrangements could not be made to conform 
to a standard pattern common to all of them and were 
not in keeping with the descriptions in Vitruvius, they 
became subjects that were constantly discussed anew in 
the debate surrounding the search for a rule and that 
were evaluated in varying ways with regard to form and 
proportions. So even when it repeatedly came to cita- 
tions that were more or less faithful to the details, in 
terms of the application of this Classical system of form, 
[6] - Alberti already adopted the arrangement of wall 
pillars from the entrance to the Pantheon for the portal 
niche of Santa Maria Novella in Florence (1458/78) 
[22. 268; 25.41] (Fig. 6+7) - in the end it was more a 
matter of assimilation and ‘improvement’, of eclectic 
and innovative interpretations of Classical models [1; 
5]. The same applies for the orientation towards Clas- 
sical building types, ground plans and spatial solutions 



Fig. 6: Portal of the Pantheon in Rome 


like those that are used in Raphael’s Villa Madama 
(1318) project [7. 39iff.]. In contrast to what might 
perhaps be expected, exact copies of Classical buildings 
therefore play no part in Renaissance and Baroque 

In view of the close correlation between ‘citation’, 
emendation and assimilation it is thus quite difficult to 
decide the extent to which recourse to a model was 
more generally aimed at the Classical architectural sys- 
tem or whether it referred to a concrete work instead [1 . 
5 5 6ff. J . The same is true for the extent to which the 
reference to a model therefore possibly also, at least 
occasionally as in the Middle Ages, had iconographic 
implications or was intended to be meaningful. 


D. i8th and 19TH Cents. 

It was not so much the search for rules as the fasci- 
nation with the simple, pure form and the orientation 
towards this ideal (imbued with moral and pedagogical 
impulses) that determined the attitude of 18th- and 
i9th-cent. Classicism or Neo-Classicism towards Clas- 
sical architecture 1 1 5 ] . Hand in hand with this went the 
discovery of Greece as ‘true’ Antiquity; knowledge of 
the Doric order (without a base) as the original order 
was for instance closely linked to the growing acquaint- 
ance with Greek temples in -> Paestum from the 
middle of the 18 cent. [9; 23; 24]. Ruins and buildings 
from Greece itself were investigated at the same time 
and disseminated throughout Europe by means of the 
publication of engravings, primarily by Julien-David Le 
Roy’s Ruines des plus beaux monuments de la Gr'ece 
(1758) and through The Antiquities of Athens (4 bks., 
1762-1816) by James Stuart and Nicholas Revett, 
probably the most famous and influential work of its 

Fig. 7: Portal of Santa Maria Novella in Florence 

Fig. 8: The ‘Tower of the Winds’ in Shugborough 



2 5 I 


Fig. 9: Stuttgart, New State 
Gallery, plan of a gallery floor 
(J. Stirling) 

Fig. 10: Berlin, plan of the Altes Museum (R.F. Schinkel) 

With regard to the question of architecture, the clas- 
sicizing attitude towards Antiquity gave rise to a 
changed framework. Inasmuch as interest was directed 
at the authentic Classical form, archaeologically re- 
searched and disseminated in engravings, we probably 
owe to Classicism and the -> Greek Revival the most 
faithful copies of Classical architecture. The influence 
that emanated from the publications of engravings can 
be demonstrated in many ways, both in terms of details 
of architectonic ornamentation and the replication of 
entire parts of buildings or complete edifices [24. 36- 
46]. The Tower of the Winds close to the Acropolis, for 
instance, depicted in the first volume of Stuart’s and 
Revett’s work (Fig. 11), was adopted by Stuart himself 
as a model for a garden building in Shugborough (1765) 
(Fig. 8), whilst James Wyatt identified the top part of the 
tower of the Radcliffe Observatory in Oxford (1773- 
1794) as a copy of the Athenian tower (Fig. 12). 

However frequently such architectural citation was 
also adopted into the architecture of -*• Classicism, 
the development of a ‘Classical’ architectural language 
that then spread throughout the whole of Europe and 
the USA was even more momentous. It was character- 
ized less by the copying of concrete buildings than by 
the alignment with Classical stylistic imagery that 
showed itself particularly in the adoption of temple 
architecture, and here above all the temple facade as a 
portico with a triangular gable [15]. Although we can 
repeatedly see faithful adoptions of form in architectur- 
al terms, the reception of Antiquity as practiced by clas- 
sicizing architecture and culminating in this omnipres- 
ent motif has to be understood as stylistic copy rather 
than as concrete architectural citation. 

The garden buildings of the landscaped gardens, the 
fabriques, were of great importance for the populariza- 
tion and implementation of the concept of different 
styles whose sequence determined the history of archi- 
tecture and which lead to the phenomenon of -> Hi- 
storicism [18]. These follies conveyed meaning and 

z 53 

z 54 


Fig. 1 1 : Athens, Tower of the Winds 

Fig. 12: Oxford, Radcliffe Observatory 

ambience in the various layouts of natural creations of 
gardens and depending on their style they were meant 
to induce different effects. Apart from exotic, Medieval 
or ruined buildings, use was also made of classicizing 
architectures, particularly that of Athens. Stuart, for in- 
stance, designed for Shugborough not only a replica of 
the Tower of the Winds but also additional copies of 
famous buildings in Athens, such as the Doric Temple 
which was modelled on the Theseion ( c . 1760), 
Hadrian’s Arch (1769) and the Monument of Lysicra- 
tes (1771) [8.5 6f.]. 

E. Post-Modern period 

In the architecture of the so-called post-modern pe- 
riod, the playful or ironic adoption of classical architec- 
tural vocabulary and Classicist forms became a leit- 
motif, and this is already employed by a pioneer of this 
architecture, Charles Moore’s Piazza d’ltalia in New 
Orleans (1975-80). This architecture with its stance 
against the abstract, geometric planning grid of the 
International Style, reactivated semantic options for 
architectonic forms and to this extent delighted in 
working with copies and even more so with defamilia- 
rized citations. The open internal rotunda in James Stir- 
ling’s extension to the state gallery in Stuttgart (1977- 
83), for example, can be regarded as such (Fig. 9). It is 
inspired by the central rotunda in Karl Frierich Schin- 
kel’s Museum of Classical Antiquities (1823-30) in 
Berlin that for its part alludes to the Roman Pantheon 
(Fig. 10). The reproduction of the Villa dei Papiri in 
-> Herculaneum which now houses a part of the Getty 

collection (Malibu, end of the 1960s) owes more to the 
eccentricity of a billionaire than to an architectural con- 
cept in itself. 

-> Basilica; ->• Forum/Square 

1 H. H. Aurenhammer, Multa aedium exempla varia- 
rum imaginum atque operum. Das Problem der imitatio in 
der italienischen Architektur des friihen 16. Jahrhundert, 
in: Intertextualitat in der Friihen Neuzeit (Friihneuzeit- 
Stud. 2) 1994, 533-605 2 G. Bandmann, Die Vorbilder 
der Aachener Pfalzkapelle, in: Karl der GrolSe, Bd. 3, 
1965, 424-462 3 A. Blunt, Baroque architecture and 

classical antiquity, in: Classical Influences on European 
Culture AD 1500-1700, 1976, 349-354 4 G. Bresc- 

Bautier, Les imitations du Saint-Sepulcre de Jerusalem 
(IXe-XVe siecles), in: Rev. d’histoire de la spiritualite 50, 
1974, 319-342 5 T. Buddensieg, Criticism of ancient 
architecture in the 16th and 17th centuries, in: Classical 
Influences on European Culture AD 1500-1700, 1976, 
3 3 5-348 6 H. Burns, Quattrocento architecture and the 
antique: some problems, in: Classical Influences on Euro- 
pean Culture AD 500-1500, 1971, 269-287 7 Id., Raf- 
faello e quell’antiqua architectura in: Raffaello architetto, 
1984, 381-404 8 A.v. Buttlar, Der Landschaftsgarten, 
3:989 9 J. M. Crook, The Greek Revival, 1972 10 W. 
Erdmann, A. Zettler, Zur Archaologie des Konstanzer 
Miinsterhiigels, in: Schriften des Vereins f. Gesch. des 
Bodensees 95, 1977, 19-134 11 J. Guillaume (ed.), 

L’emploi des ordres dans l’architecture de la Ren. Actes du 
colloque tenu a Tours (1986), 1992 12 H. Gunther, Das 
Studium der antiken Architektur in den Zeichnungen der 
Hoch-Ren. (= Rom. Forsch. der Bibliotheca Hertziana 
24), 1988 13 W. Jacobsen, Gab es die karolingische ‘Re- 
naissance’ in der Baukunst?, in: Zschr. fur Kunstgesch. 51, 
1988, 313-347 14 Id., Die Abteikirche von St.-Denis als 



kunstgeschichtliches Problem, in: La Neustrie. Les pays au 
nord de la Loire de 6 50 a 850, Bd. 2, 1989, 151-185 
15 W.v. Kalnein, Architecture in the Age of Neo-Classi- 
cism, in: The Age of Neo-Classicism (The 14 th Exhibition 
of the Council of Europe) 1972, liii-lxvi 16 R. Krauthei- 
mer, Introduction to an Iconography of Mediaeval Archi- 
tecture, in: Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Insti- 
tutes 5, 1942, 1-33 17 Id., The Carolingian Revival of 

Early Christian Architecture, in: The Art Bull. 24, 1942, 
1-38 18 M. Mosser, Paradox in the Garden: a brief 

account of fabriques, in: Id., G. Teyssot (Eds.), The His- 
tory of Garden Design: the western tradition from the Re- 
naissance to the present day, 1999, 263-276. 19 R. G. 

Ousterhout, The Church of Santo Stefano: A ‘Jerusa- 
lem’ in Bologna, in: Gesta 20, 1981, 311-321 20 G. 

Pochat, Imitatio und Superatio - das Problem der Nach- 
ahmung aus humanistischer und kunsttheoretischer Sicht, 
in: Klassizismus. Epoche und Probleme. FS fiir Erik Fors- 
sman zum 70. Geburtstag, 1987, 317-3 35 21 W. Sauer- 
lander, Das Jahrundert der groISen Kathedralen, 1989 
22 C. Syndikus, Leon Battista Alberti. Das Bauornament, 
1 996 23 D. Watkin, Greek Revival, in: The Dictionary of 
Art, Bd. 13, 1996, 607-614 24 D. Wiebenson, Sources 
of Greek Revival Architecture (= Stud, in Architecture, 8), 
1969 25 R. Wittkower, Architectural Principles in the 
Age of Humanism, 3 1 9 6 2 bruno reudenbach 

Architectural theory/Vitruvianism 

A. Characterization B. Vitruvius Studies, 
Italy C. Vitruvius Studies, France 

A. Characterization 

Architectural Theory (AT) was an essential compo- 
nent of the architectonic culture of the 1 5th- 1 8th cents. 
It was a result of the striving for greater scientific input 
and systematization that is generally characteristic of 
the -* Renaissance. Moreover it followed the ancient 
idea that lived on in the Middle Ages that the architect, 
much more than the artist, should also be well-versed in 
theory. In post-Medieval architecture, most of the 
architectonic decor and a considerable part of the 
layout can only be understood with reference to AT. In 
spite of this AT, as a whole usually had only a limited 
role in construction practice. It was directed first and 
foremost at patrons of the arts and an educated audi- 
ence. Its actual purpose at precisely the period of its 
characteristic formation during the early Renaissance 
can only be partially established. From a pragmatic 
point of view, we can only concur with Francesco di 
Giorgio Martini when he criticized the epoch-making 
architectural treatise of L.B. Alberti (145 z, published in 
1485) because it was written in Latin and was not illus- 
trated. For in this way, those for whom it was actually 
intended, the architects, could not understand it be- 
cause of their lack of literary education while it re- 
mained closed to the literarily educated because of their 
lack of architectonic knowledge. Alberti, who was an 
exception in that he combined in one person the skills of 
a man of letters and those of an architect, did not take 
his own AT into account properly in the buildings 
which he himself designed. 

z 5 6 

In the course of the 16th cent., knowledge of AT 
spread. Humanistic treatises on architecture like that of 
Alberti long since ceased to originate in Italy. However, 
initially, similar works on AT, especially those of Phi- 
libert de l’Orme (1561/1567/1568) were again part of 
the reception of the Renaissance on the other side of the 
Alps; Albrecht Durer’s Unterweisung der Messung 
( 1 5 z 5 ) is worthy of mention here despite its more math- 
ematical and scientific orientation. However this schol- 
arly writing then also subsided on the other side of the 
Alps. Column books that could be used in an increas- 
ingly practical way dominated the field for a century 
(the most widespread being by Hans Blum, from 1550). 
From the late 17th cent, on, France again produced a 
wealth of scholarly writings on AT. The writings were 
now even further removed from practice than before; 
the authors were often laymen in matters of architec- 
ture. Again the areas of interest were, especially, general 
questions about basic architectonic principles, the value 
of artistic standards, the dependence of taste on the in- 
dividual disposition of the observers or the relationship 
between feeling and reason in the evaluation of archi- 

AT was only partly oriented towards contemporary 
conditions and needs. In the Renaissance it even postu- 
lated a conscious break with the traditions that had 
evolved, and, instead, conjured up Antiquity, from 
where it took its guidelines, sometimes without much 
consideration of the extent to which they could really be 
implemented. Only very hesitantly did it venture to 
adapt, in a purposeful manner, the ancient set principles 
to modern conditions, to expand or even to adjust 
them. There was however an indirect form of adapta- 
tion of Antiquity: namely in the way in which one inter- 
preted its ancient monuments. Mostly it was probably 
in a rather automatic manner that people visualized 
how conditions were during Antiquity, on the basis of 
the conditions to which they themselves were used and 
they therefore more or less consciously adapted Anti- 
quity to their own circumstances. To be sure, this also 
was probably a significant prerequisite for their daring 
in carrying out the great experiment of the renaissance 
of Antiquity. 

Ancient architecture was normally described in 
theory as exemplary. But what constituted ancient 
architecture, was determined in a different manner than 
it is today. Even Romanesque or Byzantine buildings 
were on many occasions considered to be ancient. In 
building practice, ancient architecture was usually imi- 
tated only in details (especially column arrangements) 
and in truth this by no means adhered perfectly to the 
principles of the Renaissance. Even the buildings that 
were considered to be the most beautiful monuments of 
Antiquity, the Pantheon and the Templum Pacis of 
Vespasian (nowadays the so-called Basilica of Constan- 
tine), showed striking defects according to the stand- 
ards of the Renaissance. The discrepancy between such 
ancient works and the principles of the Renaissance 
come to light through the comparisons of the structures 



and drawings from the Renaissance that correct the 
defects as far as possible. The discrepancy was only 
rarely stated in the AT of the Renaissance. One of the 
few exceptions was Book III of the L’Architettura of 
Sebastiano Serlio (1540) that expressly aimed to teach 
people how to differentiate between good and bad 

AT was primarily based on ancient writings. Its most 
important source was the treatise on architecture by 
Vitruvius that was already famous during Antiquity. 
Only copies are extant [i]. The best is a Carolingian 
codex (London, BM, Harleianus 2767). But the illustra- 
tions to which Vitruvius’s text refers have, in many 
cases, been completely lost. Only one early Medieval 
manuscript (in Selestat, Alsace) contains several illus- 
trations but they do not appear to be ancient. 

B. Vitruvius Studies, Italy 

Vitruvius’s text continued to be well known 
throughout the entire Middle Ages. It was discussed at 
the court of Charlemagne by Alcuin and Einhard. Pro- 
vost Goderamnus of St. Pantaleon studied it when his 
abbey church of St. Michael was built in Hildesheim 
(dedicated in 1022). Petrus Diakonus copied it at the 
end of the nth cent, when he built the abbey of Mon- 
tecassino. Vitruvius appears to have been highly regard- 
ed in northern Europe even more than in Italy. Albertus 
Magnus, Vincent of Beauvais and others refer to him. 
Many German, French or English -» Libraries owned 
copies of the treatise or copied it. The new interest in 
Antiquity that was awakened around 1350 in the 
Petrarch circle increasingly included Vitruvius as well. 
Petrarch and his friends, Boccaccio and G. Dondi, 
owned Vitruvius manuscripts. 

In 1416 Poggio Bracciolini, the enthusiastic collector 
of ancient writings, discovered a Vitruvius manuscript 
in St. Gallen that in his time was probably considered to 
be ancient (unidentified, possibly Harleianus). In about 
1485 G. Sulpicio in Rome edited and published Vitru- 
vius for the first time. A re-emended text was printed in 
1496 in Florence and in 1497 in Venice. After studying 
for decades, the Humanist, architect and engineer Fra 
Giocondo published a completely newly revised version 
of the text with 136 illustrations in Venice in 1 5 1 1 . This 
has been a basis for the emendation of Vitruvius [11J up 
to the present time. 

One would assume that the early Vitruvius studies 
were centred in Florence. However, of these, only a few 
scattered attestations have come down to us: Vitruvius 
excerpts by Lorenzo Ghiberti and his grandson Buo- 
naccorso [25. 3 off.J or Cronaca’s illustration of Vitru- 
vius’s Doric portal [17]. At the court of Naples at the 
end of the 15th cent, a Vitruvius translation was pre- 
pared for F. di Giorgio. He copied it in his own hand 
and made excerpts from it as a basis for the second 
version of his treatise on architecture [14]. A manu- 
script by Pellegrino Prisciani, the librarian of d’Este 
who taught Isabella d’Este architecture as early as 1491 
[2.1], bears testimony to early Vitruvius studies in Fer- 


rara. The old ties between Alberti and the house of 
d’Este and then Isabella’s link with Gian Cristoforo 
Romano must have reinforced this interest. In Milan 
the work on Vitruvius had already been documented in 
the Medieval cathedral stonemason’s lodge. It was con- 
tinued by Bramante, Gian Cristoforo Romano and oth- 
ers [17]. Studies of such kind gave rise to the splendidly 
produced translation of Vitruvius that Cesare Cesa- 
riano, who described himself as a student of Bramante, 
had printed in 1521 in Como. It comprises not just the 
translation but also numerous illustrations and a de- 
tailed commentary. At the beginning of the Renaissance 
the debate about Vitruvius at the Roman Curia 
(Alberti, Niccolo Perotti, G. Sulpicio and others) was 
particularly intensive. Around 1515/1520 Fabio Calvo 
translated Vitruvius at Raphael’s house [13J. The high 
quality of this translation, occasional commentary and 
interpolations testify to the fact that extensive prelimi- 
nary studies preceded this work. Notes written in 
Raphael’s handwriting about the translation show that 
Humanists and artists discussed together the problems 
raised by Vitruvius. Around the same time as Raphael, 
Antonio da Sangallo also began studying Vitruvius [15; 
17]. An enormous bundle of sketches and notes very 
vividly makes one aware how Antonio thought through 
difficult passages and looked for comparisons in an- 
cient architecture. In 1531 and again in 1541 he 
planned to illustrate Vitruvius. But he did not get be- 
yond a foreword. His brother Giovanni Battista real- 
ized the project on a more modest scale. In 1 542 a group 
of Humanists formed in Rome with the aim of working 
on Vitruvius, re-emending his works, providing com- 
mentaries on them and illustrating them ( Accademia 
delle Virtu). However only a carefully formulated pro- 
gramme was developed [26; 22J. None of these studies 
was published. Most influential in Italy were the Ve- 
netian studies of Vitruvius. The notes on architecture 
made by Albrecht Diirer during his stay in Italy, which 
are remarkably substantial for their time [12. Bk. II, 
58-73], must be viewed against the background of the 
intensive studies of Vitruvius in Venice. The Venetian 
Humanist Silvano Morosini in particular is said to have 
completed a commentary on Vitruvius in 1495. The 
best Vitruvius commentary of the Renaissance was pro- 
vided by the Venetian Humanist Daniele Barbaro in col- 
laboration with the great architect Andrea Palladio, 
who did the illustrations ( appeared from 1 5 5 6 in many 
and varied editions in Venice). The voluminous and 
comprehensive, scholarly treatise on architecture pub- 
lished by Vincenzo Scamozzi in Venice in 1615 repre- 
sents a certain end point in Vitruvius studies. 

A new generation of French Vitruvius disciples pro- 
fited from the flourishing antiquarian studies in Rome 
when they studied Antiquity there: Guillaume Philan- 
drier (Vitruvius n., Lyon 1544) and de l’Orme. The 
Vitruvius editions that appeared on the other side of the 
Alps during the Renaissance were however not very in- 
dependent. They were based to a large extent on Fra 
Giocondo and Cesariano (French Vitruvius translation 


by Jean Martin 1547, Philandrier’s Vitruvius edition 
155Z, Walter Ryff’s German Vitruvius translation in 
1543 etc.). 

After the misunderstandings of the early phase, 
expert knowledge of Vitruvius developed set forms in 
the early 16th cent. Fra Giocondo’s edition, Calvo’s 
translation and Antonio da Sangallo’s studies are the 
most important evidence of it. Now for the first time 
differentiated knowledge of column arrangements was 
disseminated. They had been used for 100 years accord- 
ing to the model of mainly ancient buildings -mostly 
without being distinguished from one another - and 
they formed by far the most striking element of the 
reception of Antiquity. Only now did people gradually 
accept that an element as exotic as external porticos of 
columns represented a typical element of temples. Then 
people developed a diagrammatic concept of the Vitru- 
vian house that has essentially been preserved right 
through to today although it is questionable whether it 
is actually in keeping with Vitruvius’s concept. 

Around the middle of the 16th cent, the studies of 
Vitruvius and of Antiquity again made significant prog- 
ress overall. On the one hand with the publication of the 
great collected works, they became much more wide- 
spread. On the other hand, with Barbaro and Palladio, 
Venetian studies took prominence over the central Ital- 
ian ones. With the increasing distance from Antiquity, 
the temptation for the architect to reflect his own tra- 
dition back on to it diminished. 

Despite the transformation in style in the 17th cent. 
AT did not change significantly. The aesthetic guide- 
lines were borrowed from Antiquity as before. With the 
growing progress in engineering and science and the 
increasing conviction that the ancient level had been 
regained, the social importance of the Vitruvius studies 
waned and the innovative spirit that had initially in- 
spired them likewise subsided. Stereotypical paraphra- 
ses of the known results were highlighted while discus- 
sions withdrew to specialized comers of the field. 

C. Vitruvius Studies, France 

Colbert initiated a revival of Vitruvius studies and of 
AT. The revival was part of the broadly and systemati- 
cally laid out framework of cultural and educational 
policy that was aimed at stylizing France as the leading 
cultural nation in the West (illustrated Vitruvius trans- 
lation with a commentary by Claude Perrault, 1684). 
On the one hand, interest in the high civilization of 
Rome now declined in favour of a return to Greece as 
the root of Western art. Vitruvius himself makes it clear 
that he is based very much in the Greek tradition. On 
the other hand, through Colbert, people rediscovered 
the Gothic style as their national heritage. Even the 
Vitruvius edition of Perrault testifies to this. It was es- 
sential to combine these two components so as to devel- 
op an AT appropriate for France. The basic laws of 
statics formed the connecting link. They appeared to be 
realized as much in Gothic style as in the Greek temple. 
However the Italian Renaissance was criticized for not 


having taken these into consideration. Discussion 
about this brilliant combination lasted well into the 
1 8th cent. It was linked with building projects of na- 
tional significance: initially with the city facade of the 
Louvre and ultimately with the church of St. Genevieve, 
the patron saint of Paris 

Colbert was already ensuring that Classical art 
works in Greece were recorded. However only in the 
course of the 18th cent, did large-scale expeditions to 
Greece begin. The French protagonist was Julien-David 
Le Roy who, on behalf of the French king, documented 
Greek buildings and published exact records of them 
for the first time (1758). Around the same time the tem- 
ples of -*■ Paestum were also rediscovered. Although 
these are well preserved and are situated in a prominent 
location, they were ignored throughout the whole of the 
Renaissance. The reason for the omission of the con- 
crete manifestation of Greek architecture from the 
Western consciousness lay in the fact that - measured 
against what people knew, namely the Roman heritage 
- it appeared to them to be exotic and correspondingly 
repulsive. This can be seen in many reactions to the 
discovery of Greek architecture. One recognized that 
Vitruvius partly referred to this exotic architecture. 

The disappointment about the true manifestation of 
Greek architecture (but also of the fine arts) intensified 
the dissolution of normative aesthetics that started to 
develop just before 1700. The distance from Vitruvius 
therefore grew. Increasingly he was transformed from a 
model to an archaic object. 

Sources: 1 C. H. Krinsky, in: JWI 30, 1967, 36-70 

2 L. Marcucci, in: 2000 Anni di Vitruvio. Studi e Docu- 
menti di Architettura VIII, 1978, 11-184 3 C. Fenster- 
busch, 5 1 99 1 4 F. Granger, Loeb Classical Library 

251/280 S H. Nohl, Leipzig 1876, Ndr. 1965 (index) 
6 L. Cherubini, 1976 (index) 7 Vitruvius Pollio. Vitru- 
vius: Ten Books on Architecture. Ingrid D. Rowland 
(trans.); commentary and illustrations by Thomas Noble 
Howe; with additional commentary by Ingrid D. 
Rowland and Michael J. Dewar, 1999 

Literature: 7 J.v. Schlosser Magnino, La lettera- 

tura artistica, 1967 8 G. Germann, Einfiihrung in die 

Geschichte der Architectur, 1980 9 H. W. Kruft, 

Geschichte der Architektur von der Antike bis zur Gegen- 
wart, 1985 (bibliography) 10 L. A. Ciapponi, 11 ‘De 
architettura’ di Vitruvio nel primo umanesimo, in: Stud. 
Medievale e Umanista III, i960, 59-99 11 Id., Fra Gio- 
condo da Verona and his edition of Vitruvius, in: JWI 47, 
1984,72-90 12 A.DuRER,SchriftlicherNachlaf?,H. Rup- 
prich (ed.) 1956-69 13 V. Fontana, P. Morachiello, 
Vitruvio e Raffaello. II ‘de architettura’ di Vitruvio nella 
traduzione inedita di Fabio Calvo Ravennate, 1975 14 F. 
di Giorgio Martini, II ‘Vitruvio Magliabechiano’, G. 
Scaglia (ed.), 1985 15 G. Giovannoni, Antonio da San- 
gallo il Gio., 1959 16 J. Guillaume (ed.), Les Traites 

d’architecture de la Renaissance, 1988 17 H. Gunther, 
Das Studium der antiken Architektur in den Zeichnungen 
der Hochrenaissance, 1988 18 Id. et al., Deutsche Archi- 
tektur zwischen Gotik und Renaissance, 1988 19 Id., 

Alberti, gli umanisti contemporanei e Vitruvio, in: Leon 
Battista Alberti. Architettura e cultura, 1995 20 W. Herr- 
mann, Laugier and 18th Century French Theory, 1962 



21 F. Marotti, Lo spettacolo dall’umanesimo al manie- 
rismo, 1974 22 M. Maylender, Storia delle accademie 
d’ltalia, 7926-30 23 P. N. Pagliara, Vitruvio da testo a 
canone, in: Memoria dell’Antico nell’Arte Italiana 1984- 
86, Bd. 3, 7-88 24 G. Scaglia, A Translation of Vitruvius 
and Copies of Late Antique Drawings in Buonaccorso 
Ghiberti’s Zibaldone, in: Transactions of the American 
Philological Association 1979 25 J. von Schlosser, 

Lorenzo Ghibertis Denkwiirdigkeiten, in: Kunstgesch. Jb. 
der K.K. Zen rraLKom mission fur Erforsch. und Erhal- 
tung der Kunst- und Histor. DenkmalelV, 1910, 105-211 
26 C. Tolomei, Delle lettere libri sette, 1547. 


Argumentation Theory 

A. Definition B. Ancient Rhetoric C. Histo- 
ry of Influence 

A. Definition 

Argumentation theory analyzes and describes the 
structures and methods of argumentation, in particular, 
rhetorical argumentation. In Antiquity, persuasion was 
generally regarded to be the purpose of a speech, and 
argumentation, in turn, was seen as an instrument of 
persuasion (cf. Plato’s definition of rhetoric as peitbus 
demiurgos - ‘master of persuasion’, Gorg. 453 a). Its 
primary tasks are to identify what is probable and to 
generate plausibility. The ethical implications of the 
fact that persuasive speech is not necessarily identical 
with truthful speech (Plat. apol. 17a) have been dis- 
cussed in argumentation theory ever since sophistic 
rhetoric in the 5 th cent. BC demonstrated the psycho- 
logical power of the spoken word (Gorgias). Within the 
rhetorical system of the ancient world, which divided 
the composition of a speech into five stages of produc- 
tion (officia oratoris), argumentation theory is part of 
the first two phases: the discovery ( inventio ) and ar- 
rangement ( dispositio ) of the arguments, and thus pre- 
cedes, in terms of the chronology of the system, linguis- 
tic expression (elocutio), memorization (memoria) and 
delivery (pronuntiatio). It forms the starting point for 
the speaker in terms of content. Argumentation is the 
framework for presenting the speaker’s case; however, 
its full effectiveness depends on an appropriate linguis- 
tic formulation (Quint, inst. 5,12,6): inventio/ disposi- 
tio (content) and elocutio (form) were regarded in the 
ancient world as integral and inseparable components 
of rhetoric; argumentation theory is firmly rooted in the 
system, both as a guideline for putting forth an argu- 
ment (applied rhetoric) and for analyzing argumenta- 
tion (theory of rhetoric). 

B. Ancient Rhetoric 
1. Greek 2. Roman 

1. Greek 

As far back as sophistic rhetoric, techniques of argu- 
mentation were developed that were often aimed solely 
at achieving a rhetorical victory, without regard for 
truth or morality ‘turning the weaker into the stronger’. 


This gave rise to heated discussions of the possibilities, 
purposes and responsibility of rhetoric (Plato; Isocra- 
tes). It was not until Aristotle’s structural analysis that 
argumentation theory first became the subject of schol- 
arly study. In his ‘Rhetoric’, Aristotle made what 
remains today the most significant contribution in the 
history of ancient argumentation theory. The oldest ex- 
isting textbook, the ‘Rhetoric’ of Anaximenes of 
Lampsakos (c. 340 BC), provided specific practical aids 
for argumentation in diverse situations; there was at the 
time no systematic treatment of the material. Soon 
thereafter, Aristotle developed in the first volume of his 
‘Rhetoric’ a detailed theory of argumentation, starting 
with a critique of his predecessors whose writings failed 
to examine the most important subject: the presenta- 
tion of evidence (Greek pisteis), a term that may mean 
either ‘evidence/evidentiary procedure’ or ‘means of 
persuasion’) (rhet. 1,1,1354 a nff.). He immediately 
identified a structural analogy between rhetoric and 
dialectics, whose procedures are examined in ‘Topics’ 
and ‘Analytics’). Both provide ways of finding argu- 
ments, and both, in principle, utilize the same system of 
inference (1,2,1356 a 34ff.). Those familiar with dia- 
lectical inferences are already familiar with rhetorical 
inferences as well. They need only be aware of specific 
differences. Rhetoric was regarded as a specialized dis- 
cipline within dialectics, while argumentation theory 
was a core element within rhetoric. The primary task of 
rhetoric is to identify what is convincing and plausible. 
That, in turn, must be based on what is generally recog- 
nized to be true; its subject is the realm of the doubtful 
and disputed (‘things that may be a certain way but also 
otherwise’. 1,2,1357 a iff.). Aristotle distinguishes be- 
tween two types of proof: the ‘inartificial’ ( dtechnoi ), 
such as witnesses’ testimony, written documents and 
the like, and the ‘artificial’ ( entechnoi ), arguments that 
still have to be found. This distinction has also been 
adopted by Roman rhetoric (Cic. orat. 2,27,116; 
Quint, inst. 5,1,1). Persuasion through speech can 
occur in three ways: through the plausible self-presen- 
tation of the speaker (ethos), by creating an emotional 
mood (pathos) and through rational evidentiary pro- 
cesses (logos). Although objective-logical and emotion- 
al argumentation work together, it is logos that occu- 
pies a primary position when Aristotle draws upon the 
instruments of logic to describe and define the processes 
of argumentation. 

All evidentiary processes are based either on induc- 
tive or deductive inferences. An inductive inference in 
dialectics has its rhetorical equivalent in an inference 
drawn front an example ( paradeigma ), while the dia- 
lectical deduction (syllogism) corresponds to the rhe- 
torical enthymeme (1,2,1356 b zff. ), a three-step pro- 
cess consisting of argument, inference and conclu- 
sion^. 73ff.J. Aristotle attributes the highest degree of 
evidentiary value to this enthymeme. Unlike the syllo- 
gism, however, the aim of the enthymeme (also referred 
to, particularly in its expanded form, as epicheirema) is 
not to arrive at strictly logical proof of truth but, by 


deducing from a generally recognized opinion, it seeks 
to determine what is probable ( eikos ); but not all of its 
steps must be carried out in their entirety. In addition to 
paradeigma and eikos, evidence is the third basis of in- 
ference. Using these distinctions, ‘Aristotle carried out 
an analysis of the logical structure of argumentation 
that clearly remains valid today’[i6. 919J. 

An important auxiliary discipline for rhetorical/dia- 
lectical inferences is the theory of topics or common- 
places. This is a link between logic and rhetoric which 
provides an inventory of argumentation patterns and 
plays a significant role in the further history of argu- 
mentation theory. Topoi (Latin loci, according to 
Quint, inst. 5,10,20, the sedes argumentomm - places 
where arguments are found) are based, according to 
Aristotle, on generally recognized values and patterns 
of thought that one may repeatedly refer to during the 
process of argumentation. With the help of normed cat- 
egories, such as the topos from ‘more or less’, from an 
alternative action, from an analogy, or arguing from 
authority (rhet. 2,23,1397 b 14ft), the theory of ‘com- 
monplaces constitutes’ a store of conventionalized in- 
ferences that offers the speaker a labour-saving alterna- 
tive to individual argumentation (Cic. orat. 2, 13 of.) 
[29. 87]. 

Because of the fragmentary nature of the rhetoric 
handed down from the Hellenistic and imperial peri- 
ods, it is possible to construct only a rough sketch of the 
development of the theory of commonplaces and of ar- 
gumentation theory after Aristotle’s time. Theophra- 
stus extended Aristotle’s rhetorical teachings in the field 
of argumentation theory by compiling specific treatises 
on rhetorical inferences (enthymeme, epicheireme, 
paradeigma) (Diog. Laert. 5,2). Subsequently, ques- 
tions of argumentation theory were taken up by a vari- 
ety of disciplines: first, within the field of forensic rheto- 
ric, Aristotle’s rather general theory became more spe- 
cialized, with increasing numbers of categories and a 
more finely tuned organization of the material. Here the 
influence of Hermagoras of Temnos (2nd cent. BC) was 
particularly felt, as his doctrine of status had a strong 
influence on Roman rhetoric. 

This doctrine offered a kind of pattern [17. 103], 
consisting of questions ( status , Greek staseis) one could 
pose in a juridical context to clarify the goal of the ar- 
gumentation. They dealt with such issues as identifica- 
tion of the perpetrator; details of the incident, judge- 
ment regarding the deed and admissibility of the com- 
plaint or action. Moreover, argumentation theory 
maintained its close links to philosophical logic in the 
linguistic philosophy of the Stoa, who subdivided logic 
into rhetoric and dialectics, as disciplines with related 
aims, while excluding pathos as a means of rhetorical 
persuasion. The theory of syllogistic inference was fur- 
ther developed primarily by Chrysippus [30. 49ff.J. 

2. Roman 

Although Roman rhetoric was based to a large de- 
gree on the Greek system and also retained much of the 
Greek terminology, there are nonetheless significant 


trends characteristic of Roman rhetoric. First, the spe- 
cialization of legal rhetoric continued. The status doc- 
trine became an integral part of rhetoric, and argumen- 
tation theory was adapted to meet legal needs. At the 
same time, the speaker’s personality became a more 
central focus (Cicero), which led to a decline in the 
importance of logical argumentation. 

A more practical orientation is apparent as early as 
Cicero’s ‘Rhetoric for Herennius’ ( c . 86-82 BC). Here 
argumentation theory is presented as a guide for argu- 
mentation in a forensic speech (2,2): ‘which arguments, 
referred to by the Greeks as epicheiremata, should be 
selected and which should be avoided’. At the center is 
the status doctrine with the evidentiary commonplace 
(1,18-2,26), followed by a division of the argumenta- 
tion into five sections: propositio (subject or putting 
forth the thesis), ratio (arguments based on logic and 
reason), rationis confirmatio (supporting arguments 
for the ratio), exornatio (additional embellishments) 
and complexio (summary) (2,27-46). Similarly, Cicero 
(inv. i,57ff.) distinguishes propositio, propositionis 
adprobatio (proving the thesis), adsumptio (inference), 
adsumptionis adprobatio (proving the inference)and 
complexio as parts of the ratiocinatio or epicheirema). 
This, in turn, corresponds to a deductive argumenta- 
tion, extending, in effect, the Aristotelian enthymeme 
by adding two supporting elements providing addition- 
al confirmation that are adapted to meet the needs of a 
forensic speech. Later, Quintilian reduced this number 
to three, or at least two elements (inst. 5, 14, jf.). Unlike 
Aristotle, the theory of commonplaces in the Rhetoric 
for Herennius does not offer universal patterns of argu- 
mentation, but specializes in legal matters. Where Aris- 
totle examined the logical structure of argumentation, 
the ‘Rhetoric for Herennius’ describes its linear pro- 
gression and reveals a tendency toward segmentation 
and the development of new branches. 

For Cicero, learned and systematic argumentation 
theory is of less importance than the persuasive power 
of the speaker’s personality. (The ideal is the orator per- 
fectus). The best arguments are not predetermined by a 
system of theories but are found through reasoning and 
experience (orat. 2,175). A great deal depends on pow- 
ers of judgement. Referring to the Stoa, Cicero sepa- 
rates the ratio iudicandi (assessment of arguments), 
which corresponds to dialectics, from the heuristics of 
the theory of commonplaces (ratio inveniendi) (top. 
2,6). Persuasion is a complex process whose elements 
probare (logical proofs), conciliate (arousing the audi- 
ence’s sympathy) and movere (moving the audience) 
reestablish the Aristotelian triad of persuasive means 
(orat. 2,115), albeit with a different emphasis. Ethos 
and pathos, for Cicero, are part of the profile of a per- 
suasive speaker who seeks to win over the audience for 
his entire person. They serve to produce sympathy 
and/or to rouse the audience to action and form a sec- 
ond level of persuasion beyond argumentation in a nar- 
rower sense (part. 46; orat. 128). Accordingly, a signifi- 
cant share of rhetorical reflection (orat. z,i78ff.) is fo- 

z 66 


Z6 5 

cused on the captatio benevolentiae (gaining good will) 
(inv. 2,zz) and on controlling the emotions of the audi- 

In the ist cent. AD, Quintilian considers the ques- 
tion of argumentation theory in detail, although not 
always with terminological precision. He adopts the 
division into probatio (logical argumentation) and 
adfectus or etbos/pathos (inst. 6,z,4ff.). The probatio 
occurs through signa, argumenta or exempla (inst. 
5,9,1; cf. the Aristotelian division into sign, eikos and 
paradeigma argumentation), and its logical structure is 
based on four basic patterns (inst. 5,8,7). For Quinti- 
lian, the concept argumentum corresponds to the Greek 
terms enthymeme, epicheireme and apodixis; its func- 
tion is to clarify disputed questions by using undisputed 
facts (5, 10, iff.). Quintilian’s analyses are also geared to 
practical goals; accordingly, his catalogue of topoi, 
with its fine distinctions, is concretely pragmatic 
( 5 , 10 , 37 ff-)- 

C. History of Influence 
1. Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages z. Re- 
naissance and the Modern Age 3 . Modern 

1. Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages 

The authors of Late Antiquity handed down the ten- 
ets of argumentation theory to the Middle Ages, some- 
times as part of a complete system of rhetorical theories 
that was based mainly on the works of Cicero and 
Quintilian (Martianus Capella; Chirius Fortunatianus; 
Iulius Victor; Emporius). Sometimes, in the context of 
related disciplines such as dialectics or logic, it was 
above all Augustine and Boethius who were of far- 
reaching significance. Both were rooted in the tradition 
of ancient systematics and paved the way for further 
developments. Augustine influenced mainly the rheto- 
ric of the Middle Ages, while Boethius, who studied 
argumentation theory in the field of dialectics, was the 
principal source for medieval logic. 

Augustine (AD 3 54-430), who laid the groundwork 
for medieval sermon rhetoric (ars praedicandi) in the 
fourth book of De doctrina Christiana, dealt in his early 
systematic works with argumentation theory ( Principia 
dialecticae; Principia rhetorices), as the Stoa had before 
him, with the distinction between rhetoric ( scientia 
bene dicendi) and dialectics ( scientia bene disputandi), 
without subordinating the former to the latter. In Chris- 
tian rhetoric, argumentation theory, in the narrow dia- 
lectical sense, became less important because the system 
in ancient times had developed a theory of proof and 
disproof (pro and con argumentation) that no longer 
seemed easily applicable to the goals of Christian homi- 

Emotional influence, which Cicero had already 
placed on an equal footing with logical argument, was 
now considered to be of greater importance. Boethius 
(AD 480-5 25) also distinguishes between dialectics and 
rhetoric; however, he does not view them as equally 

important but rather postulates the primacy of dialec- 
tics. In his De topicis differentiis (PL 64, 1174) he dis- 
tinguishes between argument (content) and argumenta- 
tion (formal structure) and, on the basis of the ancient 
definition of topos as a place in which arguments are 
found, he divides the theory of commonplaces into a 
dialectical (Books One and Two) and a rhetorical sys- 
tem (Book Four). Dialectical topoi are used for the pur- 
pose of discussing general questions (theseis), rhetorical 
topoi for examining specific cases ( hypotheseis ). This 
conception of the theory of commonplaces owes more 
to Roman than to Aristotelian thought. It follows, then, 
that dialectics is more universal than rhetoric, which 
applies dialectical methods only to concrete cases. 
However, this means that the structural analogy drawn 
by Aristotle continues to be valid. 

The perpetuation of ancient argumentation theory 
in separate disciplines was preceded by the develop- 
ment of argumentation theory, first, in the narrow, logi- 
cal sense, which leads to dialectics and ultimately to 
scholastic logic; and second, in a complex sense, encom- 
passing ethos and pathos, leading to medieval sermon 
theory. The ‘Aristotelian school’ [27. 42] of argumen- 
tation theory became part of medieval philosophy, as in 
the works of John of Salisbury, through the mediation 
of Boethius, who devoted himself primarily to Aristot- 
le’s logic and systematic writings. The development of 
the medieval theory of disputation, as expressed, for 
example, in the works of Thomas Aquinas ( Summa 
theologica, 1267-1273), is influenced in particular by 
the logic and systematical writings of Aristotle (top.; 
soph, el.), while the theories of argumentation logic 
contained in his ‘Rhetoric’ until William of Moerbeke’s 
Latin translation (1270), survive only in the tradition of 
Arabic commentary. Thus, for example, Al-Farabi dis- 
tinguishes in his commentary on Aristotelian rhetoric in 
the 9th cent, logica demonstrativa, tentativa, sophi- 
stica, rhetorica and poetica ) [27. 9 if.] . In contrast, the 
Roman Ciceronian school becomes a model for the 
applied rhetoric of the Middle Ages. 

In his treatise Metalogicus (1159) [3], which owes 
much to the rhetoric and dialectics of the ancient world, 
John of Salisbury addresses questions of argumentation 
theory but does not treat rhetoric as an independent 
discipline. He defines argumentation in the classical tra- 
dition as proof or disproof of a disputed issue (2,4) and 
distinguishes, following Boethius, between analytical 
logic ( logica demonstrativa) and rhetorical, dialectical 
logic ( logica probabilis). Logic as an overarching con- 
cept is defined as loquendi vel disserendi ratio (1,10); 
hence it fulfills the tasks which ancient theoreticians 
assigned either to rhetoric or dialectics. Grammar 
serves a propaedeutic function for logic. While here the 
task of achieving plausibility, which was part of ancient 
argumentation theory, is still present in a subcategory 
of logic, later medieval treatises on logic shift their focus 
to purely analytical logic, in which the communicative 
aspect of rhetorical argumentation is no longer signifi- 




With the emergence of new genera, the significance 
of argumentation theory and the theory of common- 
places, which became simply catalogues of common- 
places, both decline in medieval instruction in rhetoric; 
practically no further theoretical development occurs. 
Within the trivium, rhetoric is considered less impor- 
tant than grammar and dialectics; indeed, it is fre- 
quently not taught at all as an independent discipline. 
The ancient system of theories is broken down and as- 
signed to different fields, and ‘... classical rhetoric as a 
theory of public argumentation did not exist in the 
Middle Ages’ [16. 950]. 

z. Renaissance and the Modern Age 

Among the numerous Renaissance treatises on 
rhetoric (between 1400 and 1700 some z,500 were 
published) there are, in addition to works in which ar- 
gumentation theory is an integral part of the system, 
also those that consciously exclude argumentation 
theory, as well as others in which it is overshadowed by 
thematic specialization. Abundant production leads to 
a variety of types, dominated by three basic ones: first, 
argumentation rhetoric, represented by the ‘humanis- 
tic-philological’ type, which preserved the classical can- 
on of Roman rhetoric; second, the rhetorical-dialectical 
type, elocutio rhetoric, which concerns itself exclusively 
with the linguistic-stylistic side of rhetoric; and third, 
specialized rhetoric, which concentrates on certain 
fields, such as sermons, letters, or poetry [16. 96of.; 14. 
ii9ff.]. One model in particular, Cicero’s ideal speaker, 
did not require a systematic argumentation theory. 
General rhetoric increasingly became stylistic rhetoric, 
and questions of argumentation theory are frequently 
excluded from rhetoric. Important in the history of ar- 
gumentation theory is Rudolph Agricola’s De inven- 
tione dialectica (1485 - 1515) [ij, which develops a 
dialectics that refers back to the rhetorical argumenta- 
tion theory of the ancient world and treats parts of a 
speech, dispositio, parts of the argument and the theory 
of emotion. The theory of commonplaces is also dealt 
with in detail. For Agricola argumentation belongs in 
the context of a situation requiring communication and 
seeks to achieve plausibility. The most important task is 
to inform the listener, and this is to be achieved by 
means of convincing and plausible argumentation. He 
classifies inventio and dispositio, as aspects of argu- 
mentation under dialectics, a consequence of the over- 
lapping of the content of rhetoric and dialectics. Even in 
the ancient world this had caused classification prob- 
lems for theoreticians. 

Like Boethius, Philipp Melanchthon (1497-1560), 
in his writings on rhetoric and dialectics (Elementa rhe- 
torices; Erotemata dialectices) [5; 6], distinguishes be- 
tween the two disciplines based on specialization 
(rhetoric), on the one hand, and universality (dialec- 
tics), on the other, but regards inventio as part of both 
sciences. The rhetorical inventio refers to the four types 
of speeches: forensic, advisory, praise and didactic. 
Under dialectical inventio he treats general questions. It 
is primarily in dialectics that he discusses structural 

problems of argumentation theory, such as the relation- 
ship of enthymeme and example to syllogism and 
induction, while in his rhetorical treatise argumenta- 
tion theory is given far less attention compared to the 
more comprehensive treatment of the components of a 
speech and the elocutio. For Melanchthon, the theory 
of commonplaces is, above all, an important instrument 
for biblical exegesis. As in Roman rhetoric, from which 
it derives, Melanchthon distinguishes between object 
topoi ( loci rerum) and person topoi (loci personarum). 

Finally, some Renaissance rhetoricians confine 
rhetoric to elocutio and actio, completely excluding ar- 
gumentation theory, following the tradition of medi- 
eval logic. Others, with direct links to the ancient 
world, such as humanists venerating Cicero, seek to 
maintain the complete system of rhetorical theories, of 
which inventio and dispositio are integral parts. 

A central role in this split was played by Peter Ramus 
(1515-157Z), who in a polemic against Quintilian 
( Rhetoricae distinctiones in Quintilianum) sought to 
prove that argumentation theory should not be part of 
rhetoric. Inventio and dispositio are exclusively a sub- 
ject of dialectics (dialecticae partes propriae) [7. 30]. 
Since every science has its own subject, argumentation 
theory cannot be part of both rhetoric and dialectics. 
Here Ramus clearly expresses his view on a problem of 
classification that has been present at some level 
throughout the history of argumentation theory. It is 
rooted above all in the dual function of argumentation 
theory, which is both to analyze the material and to 
provide practical guidelines. His Dialectique (1555) 
[8], equates dialectics (disputer) and logic (raisoner) 
and contains many elements of ancient argumentation 
theory, such as the treatment of unartifical evidence and 
rules for the use of means of rhetorical persuasion. 

Ramus, Melanchthon and Agricola are part of the 
Aristotelian-scholastic tradition and thus find them- 
selves confronted with a problem that is rooted in Aris- 
totle’s conception. His treatment of dialectics and rhe- 
torical inventio as structurally equivalent led to the 
question whether argumentation theory is part of 
rhetoric at all. But Aristotle had built the structure of 
rhetoric on the foundation of argumentation theory, 
while argumentation theory had now become com- 
pletely divorced front rhetoric. 

Ramus and his successors, Audomarus Taleaus and 
Antoine Fouquelier, provided an impulse leading to the 
rise of many stylistic rhetorics that were limited to elo- 
cutio. The rhetoric taught in the schools, however, was 
still primarily the Classical rhetoric that handed down 
elements canonized by the ancient world. In Baroque 
theory, argumentation theory was again considered 
part of rhetoric. The definitive works of the period were 
the Ars rhetorica (1560) of Cyprian Soarez, which pro- 
vided the foundation for Jesuit rhetorical teaching, and 
the Rhetoric of Gerhard Johannes Vossius (1605). Both 
relied on authorities in Antiquity, quoting from Aris- 
totle, Cicero, and Quintilian. In seeking to establish a 
complete system, however, they tended to be strongly 


2 69 

schematic. The ancient system found support from B. 
Gibert, who in his 17Z5 outline of ancient and modern 
rhetoric, Jugemens des Savans sur les auteurs qui ont 
traite de la Rhetorique, in contrast to Ramus, conceded 
to rhetoric its own inventio and dispositio, because it 
focused not only on persuading the intellect, as is dia- 
lectics, but also on steering the will (i8zf.). According- 
ly, regarding inventio and dispositio as parts of dialec- 
tics does not rule out the possibility that rhetoric has 
such components as well. 

The Enlightenment brought about a general de- 
valuation of rhetoric, particularly of rhetorical argu- 
mentation theory. Influenced by Descartes’ (1596- 
1670) theory of knowledge, the view gained promi- 
nence that rhetorical argumentation did not serve the 
search for truth but rather deception and manipulation. 
It was felt that inferences leading only to plausibility 
failed to deliver precise results and were incapable of 
yielding knowledge [29. 143]. This meant a clear shift 
in values from the beliefs of the ancient world. Proce- 
dures that were meant to produce plausibility in matters 
admitting of no ultimate certainty and thus to offer help 
in reaching a decision were now viewed as an instru- 
ment that deliberately obscured the truth. In his Kritik 
der Urteilskraft Kant sharply denounced rhetoric as 
the Kunst, ... dutch den schonen Schein zu hintergehen 
... als Kunst sich der Schwdchen der Menschen zu seinen 
Absichten zu bedienen, ... gar keiner Achtung wiirdig 
([the] ‘art ... of deceiving by a beautiful illusion .... The 
art of the orator, as the art of making use of human 
weaknesses for one’s own purposes... is worthy of no 
respect whatsoever’) [53]. The type of logic that was 
developed at the Cistercian convent at Port-Royal con- 
tinued the tradition in which argumentation theory was 
viewed as part of dialectics. Angelique Arnauld and 
Pierre Nicole, in their La logique ou I’art de penser 
(1662/1683) [z], criticized the theory of commonplaces 
as being of no use to logic. Their aim was to free argu- 
mentation theory from all rhetoric in the classical sense, 
since such rhetoric serves not logic, but other interests. 
Instead, they championed veritable rhetorique (true 
rhetoric), a purely analytical-logical process guided by 
the search for truth. 

Bernard Lamy, who dealt in his work De I’art de 
parler,(i676) [4], first with elocutio ( I’art de parler), 
then with argumentation theory (I’art de persuader), 
attempted to reconcile rhetoric and the rationality of 
the Enlightenment by giving special attention to ethos 
and pathos. In addition to rational argumentation, he 
considered it necessary to arouse emotion, thus en- 
abling it to perform its cathartic function and liberate 
the spirit, encouraging it in its search for the truth. 
However, Lamy shared the view that the theory of com- 
monplaces is useless for argumentation, since its proce- 
dures cannot replace real knowledge, and he argues in 
favour of profound familiarity with facts instead of a 
range of methods in argumentation (z79ff.). The theory 
of commonplaces was then rehabilitated by Giambat- 
tista Vico (1668-1744), who argues that in human 


intellectual development discovery precedes judge- 
ment. In his view the theory of commonplaces, or ars 
orationis copiosae (‘the art of verbose speech’), should 
be distinguished from critique, or ars verae orationis 
(‘the art of truthful speech’) [9. z8f.]. The commonplace 
method corresponds to human nature; ‘the theory of 
commonplaces is the discipline that makes the intellect 
creative, while criticism makes it precise’ [10. 101J. 
However, despite this attempt and others to enhance 
the status of argumentation theory, or at least some 
portions thereof, it never regained the position it had 
occupied in the ancient system. 

3 . Modern Times 

Along with the general decline of rhetoric that began 
in the mid-eighteenth cent., construction of new theo- 
ries largely ceased; argumentation theory now existed 
almost exclusively as a subject for logic and linguistic 
philosophy. It was not until the ‘renaissance’ of rhetoric 
in the zoth cent., starting in the 1930s in the United 
States with the New Rhetoric and after the war in 
Europe, that rhetorical argumentation theory was re- 
discovered as a scholarly discipline. It was of essential 
importance in this context that concepts such as con- 
sensus or ‘universally accepted opinion’ gain recogni- 
tion as intellectually valid operational factors. This had 
been denied them by the scientism of the previous cen- 
tury in its focus on precise verifiability. Many modern 
theories assume that argumentation is necessary for 
consensus and decision-making ability as a basis for 
human society, which legitimizes argumentation theory 
as a intellectual discipline. Modern argumentation 
theory is the subject of various disciplines that are re- 
lated to or touch on rhetoric, such as philosophy, soci- 
ology, communication science, political science, law, 
linguistics and literary scholarship. Many new concepts 
and perspectives are emerging, but they frequently con- 
tain elements of ancient argumentation theory, some- 
times in the form of specific references, sometimes in 
analogies inherent to the material. 

Of fundamental importance for legal, as well as gen- 
eral argumentation theory is Theodor Viehweg (Topik 
und Jurisprudenz, 1954), who, starting from criticism 
of traditional legal axioms, describes an inventive 
theory of commonplaces (‘Techne des Problemden- 
kens’) as a methodological basis for jurisprudence. His 
theory draws on the theory of commonplaces of the 
ancient world (Aristotle; Cicero). The Viehweg school 
gave rise to topos catalogues in the realm of jurispru- 
dence, but their meaning has been called into question 
[11; 34]. If Viehweg’s approach is geared to practical 
use, then that of another basic work of modern argu- 
mentation theory, Traite de l’ argumentation by Chaim 
Perelman und Lucie Olbrechts-Tyteca (1958), is struc- 
turally analytical. Contemporary argumentation 
theory, too, retains the ancient differentiation between 
guidelines and analysis. Perelman/Olbrechts-Tyteca 
attempt to construct a kind of argumentation logic 
from the procedures used in the Humanities and in ju- 
risprudence to examine the structure of everyday argu- 


mentation, whose basic pattern, as with ancient enthy- 
nieme, is deductive. They develop a consensus theory, 
with consent of the universal audience being the gauge 
of the success of an argument, and they posit that a 
good argument leads inevitably to general consent. 
They also discuss the premises of argumentation, 
i.e.,the classification of accords, or generally conceded 
views, values and facts, as well as its techniques, such as 
linking and dissociating concepts as ways of drawing 

Important in the realm of linguistic argumentation 
theory are the studies by Stephen Toulmin (The Uses of 
Argument, 1958), which, while not based on the rhe- 
torical tradition, show considerable resemblance to an- 
cient argumentation theory. Toulmin distinguishes be- 
tween deductive warrant-using arguments and induc- 
tive warrant-establishing arguments, similar to M. 
Kienpointner’s ‘inferential-rule-using’ and ‘inferential- 
rule-establishing’ argumentation patterns [23], which 
correspond to the Aristotelian enthymeme or para- 
deigma inference. The triad of argument, inference (in 
modern argumentation theory, inferential rule) and 
conclusion (according to Toulmin, grounds, warrant, 
claim) is supplemented by an element ( backing ) that 
provides additional reasons or support for the inference 
and thus serves a function comparable to that of ratio- 
nis confirmatio or adsumptionis adprobatio (additional 
confirmation) of the ancient epicheirema (cf. Rhet. Her. 
2,28ff; Cic. inv. i,57ff.). New aspects in Toulmin’s 
work are ‘modality,’ which allows for fine linguistic 
nuances (reinforcement or qualification) and rebuttal, 
in which any necessary limitations are formulated. In 
more recent years, a radicalization of linguistic argu- 
mentation theory can be observed, in which speaking 
and argumentation are considered the same (e.g. in the 
work of O. Ducrot). Certain concepts tempt one to 
draw certain inferences, and to this degree language is 
always argumentative. This approach ‘implies that the 
vocabulary of a language is conceived as an area within 
the theory of commonplaces in which the topoi at- 
tached to each word are organized in their structural 
relationships’ [16. 984]. 

Argumentation theory is viewed from an ethical 
standpoint in the communication theory of Jurgen 
Habermas. Habermas, too, sees the aim of argumenta- 
tion in eliminating dispute or producing consensus and 
calls for ‘rationally motivated agreement’. He lists four 
universal requirements for validity in argumentation: 
that it be understandable, sincere, true and correct. In 
this regard, any statement can be examined for its ac- 
ceptability [19]. The language must be understandable, 
the speaker sincere, the statement accurate in substance 
and normatively correct, i.e., in keeping with the value 
system of the interlocutor. In ancient rhetoric, these re- 
quirements are divided among the areas of elocutio, 
ethos, logos and, insofar as value norms are at issue, the 
theory of commonplaces. 

Examples of links to the Aristotelian theory of argu- 
mentative inferences are found in recent times in the 


work of G. Ohlschlager (Linguistische Uberlegungen 
zu einer Theorie des Argumentierens, 1979) and M. 
Kienpointner ( Alltagslogik , 1992). The latter sees the 
enthymeme as the prototype of every argumentation 
process. Kienpointner has also undertaken a classifica- 
tion of topoi that includes main and sub-classifications. 
Its content is based in large measure on the ancient 
theory of commonplaces. Ancient argumentation 
theory, like ancient rhetoric as a whole (particularly 
Aristotle, Cicero, Quintilian), is of definitive authority 
even today in introductory or descriptive works that 
seek to acquaint the reader with the substance and sys- 
tematics of rhetoric in general [29J. Rhetorical argu- 
mentation theory in this context is usually presented in 
the form of ancient argumentation theory. 

-> Argumentatio 


-*■ Rhetoric IV. 

Sources: 1 R. Agricola, De inventione dialectica, L. 
Mundt (ed.), 1992 (with a translation into German and 
commentary) 2 A. Arnauld, P. Nicole, La logique ou 
Part de penser, ed. L. Marin, 1970 (Eng.: The Art of 
Thinking, trans., with an introd. by J. Dickoff and P. 
James, 1964) 3 Johannes v. Salisbury, Metalogicon libri 
III, C. C. I. Webb (ed.), 1919 (Eng.: trans. D. D. 
McGarry, 1955) 4 B. Lamy, De Part de parler, 1675 

(Eng.: The Art of Speaking, ‘written in French by Messie- 
urs du Port Royal, in pursuance of a former treatise, inti- 
tuled, The Art of Thinking; rendered into English’, 1676) 
5 Ph. Melanchtons Rhetorik (ed.), J. Knape, 1993 
(Eng.: M. J. La Fontain, A Critical Translation of Philip 
Melanchthon’s Elementorum rhetorices libri duo (Diss. 
University of Michigan), 1968) 6 Id., Erotemata dialec- 
tices (= Corpus reformatorum, Vol. 13) 7 P. Ramus, Bru- 
tinae Quaestiones in Oratorem Ciceronis, Frankfurt 1593 
(repr.: 1965) 8 Id., Dialectique, M. Dassonville (ed.), 
1964 9 G. Vico, De nostri temporis studiorum ratione 
(Latin-German edition), translation by W. F. Otto, 1984 
(Eng.: On the Study Methods of our Time, trans. E. 
Gianturco, 1965) 10 Id., Principi di una Scienza Nova, 
translated into German by E. Auerbach, 1966 (Eng.: The 
New Science of Giambattista Vico, rev. trans. of the 3d ed. 
(1774) by T. G. Bergin and M. H. Fisch, 1968) 

Literature: 11 R. Alexy, Theorie der juristischen Ar- 
gumentation, 1977 (Eng.: A Theory of Legal Argumenta- 
tion: The Theory of Rational Discourse as Theory of Legal 
Justification, R. Adler, N. MacCormick (trans.), 1989) 
12 W. Barner, Barockrhetorik - Untersuchungen zur 
ihren geschichtlichen Grundlagen, 1970 13 K. Bar- 

wick, Augustins Schrift de rhetorica und Hermagoras, in: 
Philologus 105, 1961, 97-110 (see also 108, 1964, 80- 
101; 109, 1965, 186-218) 14 B. Baulk, Jesuitische ars 

rhetorica im Zeitalter der Glaubenskampfe, 1986 IS R. 
Bubner, Was ist ein Argument? in: G. Ueding, Th. 
Vogel (eds.), Von der Kunst der Rede und Beredsamkeit, 
1998, 115-131 16 E. Eggs, Argumentation, HWdR 1, 

914-991 17 M. Fuhrmann, Die antike Rhetorik, 1984 

18 K.-H. Gottert, Argumentation. Grundziige ihrer 
Theorie im Bereich theoretischen Wissens und prakti- 
schen Handelns, 1978 19 J. Habermas, Theorie des 

kommunikativen Handelns, 2 vols., 1981 (Eng.: The 
Theory of Communicative Action, T. McCarthy 
(trans.), 1984-1987) 20 A. Hellwig, Untersuchungen 




zur Theorie der Rhetorik bei Platon und Aristoteles, 1973 
21 W. S. Howell, Logic and Rhetoric in England 1500- 
1700, 1956 22 G. A. Kennedy, A New History of Clas- 
sical Rhetoric, 1994 23 M. Kienpointner, Alltagslogik, 

1992 24 J. Klowski, Zur Entstehung der logischen Ar- 
gumentation, in: RhM 113, 1970, m-141 25 J. Kop- 

perschmidt, H. Schanze (eds.), Argumente - Argumen- 
tation. Interdiziplinare Problemzugange, 1985 26 E. A. 

Moody, Studies in Medieval Philosophy, Science and 
Logic, 1975 27 J. J. Murphy, Rhetoric in the Middle 

Ages, 1974 28 Id. (ed.), Renaissance Eloquence, 1983 

29 C. Ottmers, Rhetorik, 1996, (with an extensive bibli- 
ography) 30 M. Pohlenz, Die Stoa. Geschichte einer 
geistigen Bewegung, 7 i992, 49ff. 31 St. E. PoRTER(ed-), 

Handbook of Classical Rhetorik in the Hellenistic Period, 
1997 32 C. Prantl, Geschichte der Logik im Abend- 

lande, Vols. I— IV, Leipzig 1855-1870 33 W. Risse, Die 

Logik der Neuzeit, Vol. I, 1964, Vol. II, 1970 34 G. 

Struck, Topische Jurisprudenz, 1971 35 G. Ueding, B. 

Steinbrink, Grundrils der Rhetorik - Geschichte, Tech- 
nik, Methode, 3 1994 

Additional Bibliography: H. Gotoff, The Art of 
Illusion. Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 95. 
( I 993 ) : 289-313; G. A. Kennedy, Focusing of Argu- 
ments in Greek Deliberative Oratory. Transactions and 
Proceedings of the American Philological Association 90. 
( I 959) :I 3i-i38.; L. Pernot, Rhetoric in Antiquity, 
2005; J. J. Murphy, A Short-Title Catalogue of Works on 
Rhetorical Theory, 1981 (rev. ed. 2004 by J. J. Murphy, 
Lawrence Green); P. Mack, Valla and Agricola in the 
Traditions of Rhetoric and Dialectic, 1993; W. J. Ong, 
Ramus. Method, and the Decay of Dialogue, 1958. 


Aristocracy see ► Constitution, types of 


A. Introduction B. Greek Aristotelianism 
C. Arabic Aristotelianism D. Latin 
Aristotelianism of the Middle Ages E. Re- 
naissance Aristotelianisms F. Modern 
Aristotle Research G. Reception of 
Aristotle in the 20TH Cent. 

A. Introduction 

The term ‘Aristotelianism’ refers to a particular form 
of philosophy, named after Aristotle, that was already 
developed during Antiquity and that has had adherents 
up through the modern era. Aristotelianism emphasises 
the theoretical sciences over the practical ones and the 
synthetic representation of knowledge as a system de- 
rived from principles that are already known as op- 
posed to the analytical search for principles of synthetic 
representation. In this sense, Aristotelianism is a highly 
developed form of the reception of Aristotle’s philoso- 
phy that is much narrower in scope than the set of ref- 
erences - whether marginal or central - to aspects of 
Aristotle’s teachings and to his individual writings. In 
the history of philosophy, Aristotelian theories have 
been, and to some extent still are, employed and dis- 
cussed in > logic, -» metaphysics and ->■ natural 

philosophy as well as in -> practical philosophy 
and political philosophy; this does not, however, mean 
that such discourses can be described as instances of 
Aristotelianism. Aristotelian — > rhetoric and poetics 
(-> Tragedy) have also had an inestimable influence on 
those disciplines. 

B. Greek Aristotelianism 

By focusing on empirical research in the sciences of 
nature, ethics and politics, the older representatives of 
Peripatos carried forward an approach to scientific in- 
quiry that was grounded in the co-operative search for 
concrete data. From around the beginning of the 
Common Era, however, the encyclopaedic aspect of 
Peripatetic philosophy became increasingly important 
as a result of new scientific activity during late Anti- 
quity. As a result of the Neoplatonic understanding of 
Aristotle as an introduction to the higher wisdom of 
Plato, the Aristotelian encyclopaedia of science was 
transformed into a closed system. Proclus (c. 410-485), 
in his Elementatio tbeologica and Elementatio physica, 
presents his conclusions, with regard to the forms of 
substance according to the geometric method proposed 
by Aristotle and carried out by Euclid, in such a way 
that they form the ‘elements’ of a continuous chain. 
This ‘synthetic’ descent front principles to conclusions 
assumes, according to Proclus, an ‘analytic’ ascent 
behind all hypotheses to the sole principle of every- 
thing. However, by using the Platonic Hen as the first 
principle, Proclus broke with the fundamental axiom of 
Aristotelian science according to which all insight pro- 
ceeds from previously existing knowledge. 

At approximately the same time, Aristotle’s logic 
was expanded by Neoplatonic authors in such a way as 
to include his Rhetoric and Poetics as well. In this way, 
Simplicius (6th cent.), the last important representative 
of the school of Athens, was able to regard poetic, rhe- 
torical and dialectical argumentation as different stages 
of participation in the ideal of absolute demonstration. 
The Neoplatonic understanding of Aristotle gave rise to 
a rich tradition of commentary in the Greek and Syrian 

C. Arabic Aristotelianism 

Aristotle’s works appeared in Islam as early as the 
second half of the 8th cent. The Arabic reception of 
Aristotle was based on an interest in Greek medicine. 
Aristotle’s categorisation of science presented a struc- 
ture in which classical authors like Hippocrates and 
Galen, Euclid and Ptolemy all had a place. With the 
founding of the bayt al-hikma (‘House of Wisdom’) in 
Bagdad in the year 830 by the Abbasid caliph al- 
Ma’mun (786-833), practically the entire corpus of Ar- 
istotelian works that had been preserved (except the 
Eudemian Ethics, Magna Moralia and Politics) became 
available, along with its Greek commentators. This 
corpus laid a uniform foundation for Islamic Aristote- 
lianism from Persia to Spain. In Baghdad there was, up 
until the roth cent., an established tradition of the study 



of the logic and of the natural philosophical writings. 
Few commentaries on practical philosophy were writ- 
ten, since Aristotle’s works were seen primarily as pro- 
paedeutics for the study of medicine [31]. 

The synthetic representation of an area of inquiry 
was, in accordance with Aristotle’s and Euclid’s meth- 
odology, used with great success in Arabic natural 
philosophical works, e.g. in the Optics by Alhazen 
(965-c. 1040) [2]. The shift in the Aristotelian theory of 
science in the direction of a first principle, which goes 
back to Proclus, was not followed in Islam. Even 
though the ‘Book of Causes ’(Lat. Liber de causis, c. 9th 
cent. [3] ), which was erroneously attributed to Aristotle 
and which described the universe’s structure according 
to the method of logical deduction from a first, highest 
principle, posited a creator god in place of the Platonic 
Hen, it had no effect in Islam. 

From the beginning, Arabic philosophers under- 
stood Aristotle’s books about natural philosophy and 
metaphysics as parts of a larger philosophical frame- 
work. Arabic Aristotelianism arose from the contact 
between this ‘rational’ science and the ‘traditional 
scholarship of the Arabs’ (Koran, Arabic language and 
dialectical theology = kaldm). Kaldm had come into be- 
ing in the 9th and 10th cents, as an answer to heresies 
that were arising in Islam. It was the theologians’ task to 
provide believers with logical evidence for their faith. 
The first attempt to integrate the ‘science of the Arabs’ 
into the Aristotelian categorisation of knowledge was 
undertaken by Alfarabi (c. 870-950) in his Catalogue 
of Sciences [ij. While the philosophical theory of God 
was being incorporated into the speculative science of 
metaphysics, Kaldm as practical science served to 
defend the tenets of faith. A century later, Avicenna 
(980-1037) undertook a reform of theology according 
to the Aristotelian theory of demonstrative science. He 
tried to understand Kaldm not solely as apologetics but 
rather as Aristotelian metaphysics. He accordingly list- 
ed those types of premises that are permitted in the vari- 
ous forms of argumentation. If the theory of God is to 
be presented scientifically (that is demonstratively, not 
dialectically or rhetorically), then only axioms, sensory 
data and the unanimous agreement of Islamic tradition 
can serve as principles. 

Aristotelianism in the strict sense of the word came 
into full flower with Averroes’ (1126-1198) commen- 
taries. In Averroes’ opinion, Aristotle’s demonstrative 
arguments lead to true and certain conclusions. The Ar- 
istotelian writings, Averroes stated, synthetically repre- 
sented philosophical truth; just as Euclid completed ge- 
ometry, so had Aristotle completed the speculative sci- 
ences. In cases in which the evidence leads to conclusi- 
ons that clearly contradict Islamic theology, it was nec- 
essary to differentiate, according to Averroes, between 
a more exoteric meaning for the many and an esoteric 
meaning that is comprehensible only to a small elite. 
Philosophy was the profession of this intellectual elite, 
whose God-given task was to freely strive for truth. By 
the 14th cent., however, this elite as well as its scientific 
writings disappeared in Islam. 


Aristotelian science was also used in medieval 
Judaism. In Spain and southern France, Hebrew trans- 
lators made accessible the Islamic corpus of Aristotle’s 
work as well as the associated commentaries by Aver- 
roes and the medical works that accompanied them. 
When conflicts arose between philosophy and the Jew- 
ish faith, some thinkers, among whom Moses Maimo- 
nides (1135-1204) is the most significant, argued that 
philosophical thought must proceed in accordance with 
the theory of demonstrative science without regard to 
theological teachings. In spite of this view there was in 
the 14th cent, within Judaism an increasingly critical 
evaluation of Aristotelian teachings in light of faith, and 
this in turn contributed to the development of a new 
scientific worldview. 

D. Latin Aristotelianism of the Middle 


In the Latin West, Aristotle’s works were made ac- 
cessible and dealt with in three clearly differentiated 
phases. 1 . The first phase began in the 6th cent, with the 
translation of the Aristotelian writings on logic by 
Boethius (c. 480-c. 524); in the monastic schools these 
were understood primarily as an introduction to the 
study of the Bible. 2. The ‘scholastic’ phase of Latin 
Aristotelianism began in the 12th cent, with gradual 
translation, first from the Arabic and later from the 
Greek, of practically the entire corpus of the science of 
Antiquity. In this phase the reception of Aristotle was 
greatly influenced by Averroes’ synthetic understand- 
ing of science. 3. The last phase fell within the Renais- 
sance era. It focused largely on addressing the irregu- 
larities that made the one-sided scholastic concept of 
science increasingly untenable [26]. 

In the scholastic Phase, Aristotle’s works were re- 
ceived in connection with a comprehensive attempt to 
absorb the worldly knowledge of Greece, Judaism and 
Islam. The translations of the 12th and 13th cents, con- 
tributed significantly to the overall store of knowledge 
in the Middle Ages: Euclid, Ptolemy, Hippocrates and 
Galen, but above all Aristotle’s books together with 
Averroes’ commentaries. Already prior to translation 
of the Aristotelian corpus, the magistri of the new urban 
schools were led by Boethius in their search for a scien- 
tific conception that would include a systematic repre- 
sentation of philosophical and theological knowledge. 
Boethius understood science in the Aristotelian sense as 
a teaching that starts from first principles and proceeds 
by means of strict proofs to true and certain conclusi- 
ons. Early scholastic authors were motivated by Boe- 
thius, and later by Euclid as well, to develop a general 
theory of scientific method from that model. 

At the beginning of the 13 th cent., Aristotle’s natural 
philosophical books (including Metaphysics and Liber 
de causis) were available in the Latin West. But already 
ini2ioandi2i5 the libri naturales were condemned in 
Paris. It seems as if these condemnations were not only 
directed at individual teachings of Aristotle’s such as 
that of the eternity of the world, but also at the Proclian 

2-7 7 


idea of a science based on first principles that had been 
transmitted by the Islamic Liber de causis. The Regulae 
caelestis iuris by Alain von Lille (d. c. 1203) resembles 
the axiomatic approach to inquiry. However, since that 
work - like ‘De causis’ - does not presuppose any 
axioms or postulates at the outset, Alain created the 
impression that his work was an attempt to prove arti- 
cles of faith that were unprovable for Christians. 

The fact that these condemnations between 1215 
and 1255, when the Aristotelian corpus finally found 
acceptance in Paris, were for the most part observed, 
means that those 40 years were of decisive importance 
for the formulation of the scholastic method. Since 
Aristotle’s logic was explicitly excluded from the con- 
demnations, the magistri artium increasingly directed 
their attention to the theory of science of the Second 
Analytics. They worked on an axiomatic representation 
of the disciplines of the Quadrivium (especially on 
optics as a science subordinated to geometry), while the 
theologians for their part were seeking to justify their 
subject area not on the basis of regulae like those of 
Alain, but rather on the basis of articles of faith as 
axioms that were evident through revelation - unpro- 
vable, to be sure, yet certain nonetheless [24]. 

The foundation for the scientific progress of the 13 th 
and 14th cents, was laid in the year 1255, when Aris- 
totle’s logic, natural philosophy and ethics were re- 
quired for lectures at the Faculty of Arts in Paris. From 
that point on, Aristotle’s works determined the struc- 
ture of the philosophical teachings at the medieval 
-> universities. One of the first to pay attention to the 
entire corpus of Aristotelian knowledge was Albert the 
Great (c. 1200-1280). His paraphrases of all of Aris- 
totle’s basic works prepared the way for the extensive 
commentary literature by means of which the Middle 
Ages appropriated Aristotelian thought. 

In the course of the next century extraordinary prog- 
ress was made in natural philosophy. Aristotelian phys- 
ics provided both the philosophical principles and the 
encyclopaedic structure for this development. The 
newly translated commentaries of Averroes, who 
understood Aristotle’s works as a synthetic representa- 
tion of philosophical truth, contributed to the solidifi- 
cation of Aristotle’s rank as il maestro di color che 
sanno (Dante, Inferno 4,131). The progress extended to 
Aristotelian practical philosophy. New translations of 
Nicomachean Ethics and Politics from the Greek 
opened up a new way of perceiving human purpose and 
of conceiving of the state as secular [20J. 

The theologians, for their part, sought to justify a 
concordia between revealed teachings and the philo- 
sophical truth as represented by Aristotle and Averroes. 
Thomas of Aquinas (1225-1274) claimed, for apolo- 
getic purposes, that Aristotelian science on the one 
hand and the teaching of Christian revelation on the 
other were basically in agreement with one another. 
The acceptance of Christian doctrine was supposed to 
appear rational, since it agreed with basic philosophical 
suppositions like the existence of God and the immor- 


tality of the human soul, both of which, for example, 
Aristotle was assumed to have proven. 

In the year 1277, however, the bishop of Paris (Eti- 
enne Tempier) condemned 219 tenets, most of which 
represented Aristotelian positions [5]. For this reason, 
the condemnation had far-reaching effects on both the- 
ology and philosophy in the late Middle Ages. The fact 
that many of Aristotle’s ideas contradicted Catholic 
teachings - his determinism, his theory of the eternity of 
the world as well as the uncertainty of his theory regard- 
ing the immortality of the soul - made it possible for 
philosophers to free the science of nature, to a certain 
degree, from its close adherence to Aristotle’s authority 
in philosophical questions [17 J. 

With that condemnation as a backdrop, Joannes 
Duns Scotus (1265-1308) defined the subject of Aris- 
totelian metaphysics as a theory of being in such a way 
that it became a critique of the Aristotelian theory of 
speculative science. Whereas Aristotle was able to draw 
conclusions solely within the realm of physics, Scotus 
claimed that the first object of reason was not sensory 
reality but rather being as such. This determination 
makes possible the investigation of physical reality in a 
metaphysical manner, as finite being subject to change 
( ens mobile), in contrast to the consideration of the 
corpus mobile in physics as understood by Aristotle. 

By means of these and similar modifications of Aris- 
totle’s theory of speculative science it became possible 
for the philosophers of the 14th cent, to go beyond Aris- 
totle in the natural sciences. Thinkers like Johannes 
Buridan (c. 1295 -c. 1358) were able, with the support 
of the Aristotelian idea that all science is autonomous 
within its own field, to develop theories in ->■ physics, 
like the theory of the movement of a projectile, that 
were not dependent on Aristotle’s views. Meanwhile, 
mathematicians like Nikolaus Oresme (c. 1320-1382) 
were able to turn their attention to areas that Aristotle 
had neglected and to develop, for example, new theo- 
ries of proportions and infinite series [28J. 

E. Renaissance Aristotelianisms 

The Aristotelianism of the clerical elite of the Middle 
Ages was based on a unified view of the wold that com- 
pletely fell apart with the rise of new social groupings in 
the ->■ Renaissance, meaning that we must speak not 
of one Aristotelianism but rather of various Aristotelia- 
nisms for the period of 1450-1650 [12J. 

This third phase of Latin Aristotle reception began in 
1438 with a treatise by the Byzantine philosopher 
Georgios Gemistos Pletho (c. 1360-1452) about Plato’s 
precedence over Aristotle [6J. Pletho accused the Latin- 
ists of erroneously interpreting Aristotle as if his teach- 
ings agreed with Christian theology. Pletho stated that 
there was no idea of a provident creator god or of the 
immortality of the human soul to be found in Aristotle. 
He traced the Latinists’ mistakes back to the Arab Aver- 
roes, who had claimed that Aristotle’s works repre- 
sented the completion of natural philosophy. In the Re- 
naissance, Pletho’s reproaches brought about a revolu- 



tion in the Latin understanding of Aristotle. Facilitated 
by Byzantine thinkers who brought to Italy an Aristotle 
as yet unknown to the scholastics, Latin scholars from 
the middle of the 15 th cent, onward produced new edi- 
tions of the Greek text of Aristotle as well as new Latin 
and vernacular translations of his works. They further- 
more created Greek editions and Latin translations of 
practically the entire corpus of ancient Greek commen- 
taries. 1 26]. Finally, they wrote new commentaries on 
the Aristotelian corpus. It is noteworthy that the 
number of Latin Aristotle commentaries that were writ- 
ten during the century between Pietro Pomponazzi 
(1462-1525) and Galileo (1564-1642) is greater that 
that of those written during the entire millennium from 
Boethius to Pomponazzi. 

In the 1 6th cent., new scientific interests led various 
scholars to consider individual works by Aristotle with- 
out taking into account his overall organisation of sci- 
ence. In Italy professional philosophers at the univer- 
sities turned their attention to the natural philosophical 
and the zoological writings {-* Zoology). Humanistic 
scholars took up Aristotelian moral philosophy, while 
those who were interested in literature studied the ‘Po- 
etics’. Scholars concerned with constitutional reforms 
referred to Aristotelian logic in order to find new ways 
to interpret their legal doctrines. The Aristotelian Poli- 
tics received new attention all over Europe, practically 
without any reference to other components of Aristot- 
le’s works [19]. 

1. Catholic Aristotelianism 2. Secular 
Aristotelianism in Italy 3. Baroque Scho- 
lasticism 4. Lutheran orthodoxy 5. Calvin- 
istic Aristotelianism 

1. Catholic Aristotelianism 

With the end of the Council of Basel (1437), a new 
phase in the history of Catholic interpretation of Aris- 
totelian science had already begun. The idea of a Chris- 
tian Aristotelianism, as had been developed by the via 
antiqua, arose primarily at the northern European uni- 
versities. Around the middle of the 1 5 th cent, it was also 
brought to Italy. A fundamental transformation of Ar- 
istotelian science resulted from the meeting between 
Christian Aristotelianism and its secular counterpart in 

Conflict arose in 1 5 1 6 with the publication of Pietro 
Pomponazzi’s Tractatus de immortalitate animat [7]. 
He claimed that according to Aristotle the theory of the 
soul was part of physics, albeit as a part of the theory of 
the animated body (corpus animatum). Since the soul 
was a material form, it was also transitory. The 
attempts to meet this challenge, which were undertaken 
primarily in the mendicant orders, were based on the 
search for metaphysical rather than physical proof of 
the soul’s immortality. The Scotist definition of meta- 
physics as a science of uncreated and created being 
made it possible to regard the human soul and the world 
as metaphysical objects. This possibility, however, in 


turn implied the necessity of a systematic reinterpreta- 
tion of Aristotelian philosophy in agreement with the 
principles that were considered to be its true principles - 
that is, those which led to conclusions that accorded 
with Catholic doctrine. 

The first step in this direction was taken by Benito 
Perera (c. 1535-1610), a professor at the Collegio 
Romano of the newly founded Jesuit order. Perera 
claimed that the theory of the soul belonged to meta- 
physics. Since that science can only regard non-physical 
reality as a cause, however, he suggested subdividing 
traditional metaphysics into two special sciences: ‘di- 
vine science’, which addressed God, the intelligences 
and the soul, and ‘primary philosophy’, which reflected 
on ‘being’ as such. 

The project of rewriting Aristotle was primarily 
undertaken at Iberian universities. The major systemat- 
ic works of Spanish scholasticism attempted to repre- 
sent metaphysics per modum doctrinae, that is, as an 
organic whole derived from the first principles of phi- 
losophy. The Jesuit Francisco Suarez (1548-1617), in 
his famous Disputationes metapbysicae, found the 
basis for his Christian reinterpretation of Aristotelian 
thinking in the relationship of finite reality with the in- 
finite creative power of God. Finite being is being that 
can be constituted in its present being by means of 
God’s absolute power because its essence does not con- 
tain any contradictory elements. The god that is recog- 
nised by means of natural reason is the principle of a 
system that descends through the various divisions of 
finite being [18]. 

2. Secular Aristotelianism in Italy 

Because the faculties of arts at Italian universities 
were oriented toward medicine rather than toward the- 
ology, members were less concerned with metaphysics 
than with Aristotle’s natural philosophical works. 
However, under pressure from the discoveries of 
Copernicus, Columbus and Galileo, front the various 
ancient philosophical schools- -*■ Platonism, ->■ Stoi- 
cism, — ► Epicureanism -, which had received increas- 
ing attention since the middle of the 15th cent., and 
from the enormous amount of scientific material that 
was uncovered during the Renaissance, Aristotelian 
authors sought to situate Aristotle’s theory of science 
within a more all-inclusive context. 

Whereas the Aristotelian tradition had since Proclus 
focused primarily on the compositive (synthetic) side of 
Aristotelian teachings about science, secular Aristote- 
lianism in Italy rediscovered the - likewise Aristotelian - 
method of resolution (analysis) [13]. Understanding of 
these methods developed in the context of a theory of 
scientific regressus, which is made up of two moments. 
First one moves from a known effect to a confused rec- 
ognition of the existence of the cause; then one apodic- 
tically proves the effect by means of a recognition of the 
essence of the cause, a recognition that has been ac- 
quired through a difficult examen mentale. By taking 
recourse in the examen to experimentation and math- 
ematical deduction, Galileo Galilei (1564-1642) 



contributed to the formulation of modern science 

Toward the end of the 16th cent., the Paduan Aris- 
totelian Jacopo Zabarella (1533-89) in his text De 
methodis (1578) [8], the sources of which are Aristot- 
le’s Analytica posteriora, Galen’s Ars parva and Aver- 
roes’ commentary on Aristotelian physics, related the 
theory of the regressns clearly to the Aristotelian differ- 
entiation between theoretical and practical science. The 
compositive method derives conclusions from first 
principles; the resolutive method takes as its point of 
departure the goal of an action and tries to discover the 
means and principles by which the goal can be attained. 
In Zabarella’s opinion, however, it is necessary to dif- 
ferentiate ‘methods’ from ‘orders’ of representation. 
‘Methods’ lead to the recognition of something that is 
unknown from something that is known; ‘orders’ pass 
on knowledge that has already been attained through 
human efforts. The two ‘orders’ correspond to the two 
‘methods’: the compositive order represents the object 
of knowledge entirely as conclusions proceeding from 
first principles; the resolutive order sets up a system of 
praecepta and regulae for practice according to which a 
given goal can be attained [29]. 

3. Baroque Scholasticism 

In the 17th cent, the ideas of both Christian and Ital- 
ian secular Aristotelianism continued to be influential 
in the schools of Europe. The Christian Aristotelianism 
of the Catholic schools sought to defend a worldview in 
which acceptance of revelation seemed reasonable. 
Front their teachings there arose a new literary form, 
the cursus philosophicus - e.g. the Cursus conimbricen- 
sis (1592-98) of the Jesuit order [14] and the summaries 
of scholastic philosophy by Eustachius a S. Paulo 
O.Cist. (d. 1640) and Johannes a S. Thoma O.P. (d. 
1644). Suarez’ division of reality into ens infinitum , ens 
creatum immaterial and ens creatum materiale provid- 
ed a foundation for the cursus. It included the division 
of metaphysics into (what were later termed) the fields 
of theologia naturalis, psychologia rationalis and cos- 
mologia. While the increasing need for independent 
treatment of the problem of God could thereby be ad- 
dressed, it meant that the intensifying crisis of Aris- 
totelian physics as a science of the corpus mobile be- 
came irrelevant for the Baroque scholastics. 

4. Lutheran orthodoxy 

Even though Aristotle and the scholastic mixture of 
theology and philosophy were rejected by Martin 
Luther, the Aristotelian conception of science became 
the primary one at Protestant universities in the 16th 
cent. [32J. In the areas that were oriented toward 
Luther in denominational terms, Aristotelian meta- 
physics was considered a suitable basis for the unity of 
doctrine needed by the Lutheran orthodoxy [25]. 
German philosophical textbooks, for example Exerci- 
tationes metaphysicae (1603-04) by Jakob Martini 
(1570-1649) and Metapbysica commentatio (1605) by 
Cornelius Martini (1568-1621) turned against disci- 
ples of Calvin and Melanchthon, but also against radi- 


cal Lutherans who claimed that some aspects of the 
doctrine of faith, like that of the trinity, contradicted 
reason, and toward Suarez’ idea of a possible, denomi- 
nationally neutral world that could be accepted by any- 
one who accepted the idea of the creation. Even though 
there were Lutheran objections to the idea of natural 
knowledge of God, the theologians soon conceded, for 
apologetic purposes, the necessity of a natural theology. 
Already in 1621 a Theologia naturalis was published by 
Johannes Scharf (1595-1660). The Lutheran ortho- 
doxy also tried to systematise the theology of revelation 
in agreement with the Aristotelian theory of practical 
science. Georg Calixt (1586-1656) applied Zabarella’s 
idea of the analytical order to theology in his 1619 
Epitome theologiae. 

5. Calvinistic Aristotelianism 

In the areas that leaned toward Calvinism, dogmatic 
theology was considered to be a speculative science that 
followed a synthetic method. Like Perera, reformed 
theologians differentiated between two metaphysical 
sciences. One considered God; the other was a general 
science of being that was definitive for the principles of 
the individual sciences. ‘Ontology’, according to 
Rudolphus Goclenius (1547-1628), who was the first 
to use the word, has the task of assigning to each of the 
various scientific disciplines its own place within a new 
encyclopaedia of knowledge. The idea of a systematic 
totality of knowledge was fundamental to Calvinistic 
thinking. In this vein, Bartholomaus Keckermann 
(1571/73-1609), Clemens Timpler (1567-1624) and 
Johann Heinrich Alsted (1588-1638) published, in the 
early 17th cent., systems of the various artes. In these 
systems the disciplines were understood not as sciences 
in the Aristotelian sense but rather as artes liberates, 
free arts, that are governed by technologia [33]. 

F. Modern Aristotle Research 

The great number of Aristotelianisms in the Renais- 
sance and the revolutionary understanding of science in 
the modern era put an end to Aristotelianism, in the 
strict sense of the word, around the middle of the 17th 
cent. Although individual works - Logic, the Zoologi- 
cal Tracts, Politics, Poetics - still attracted students, the 
scientific revolution of the 17th cent, evoked an entirely 
new way of thinking about the sciences. From the En- 
lightenment onward Aristotle was considered not so 
much the founder of a hierarchical system of science as 
one of those scholars who sought to understand reality 
by means of empirical research in individual disciplines. 
In the philosophy of the 19th cent., and particularly in 
‘German idealism’, the break with the Aristotelianism 
that had until that time been dominant went hand in 
hand with intensified attention to the Platonic tradition 
(-* Platonism). 

The publication of Aristotelis opera by the Berlin 
Academy between 1831 and 1870 and its edition of the 
Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca between i882and 
1909, as well as the edition of Aristoteles Latinus that 
was begun in 1939 by the Union Academique Interna- 



tionale for the medieval Latin translation laid the foun- 
dation for modern research on Aristotle and the tradi- 
tion of his philosophy. 

-> Aristotle, commentators on; -► Aristoteles 

-> Arabic-Islamic Cultural Sphere, The 

Sources: 1 Al-Farabi, Catalogo de las ciencias, A. 

Gonzalez (ed. and trans., 1953 2 Opticae thesaurus. 

Alhazeni arabis libri VII, Basel 1572., (repr. with introduc- 
tion by D. C. Lindberg), 1972 3 Die pseudo-aristoteli- 
sche Schrift ‘Ueber das reine Gute, bekannt unter dem 
Namen Liber de causis’, O. Bardenhewer (ed.), i88z, 
(repr. 1958) 4 Le Liber de causis, A. Pattin (ed.), 1966 
(Eng.: The Book of causes (Liber de causis), Dennis J 
Brand (trans.), rev., 2 r 984) 5 Aufklarung im MA? Die 
Verurteilung von 1277. Das Dokument des Bischofs von 
Paris, trans. and commentary by K. Flasch, 1989 6 G. G. 
Pletho, IleQL div ’Aoi(TTOT:':/.t]c ttooc nkanova Sia(J>£QeTca, 
Paris 1541, lat. Basel 1574 (= PL vol. 160, 773 ff . ) 7 P. 
Pomponazzi, Abhandlung iiber die Unsterblichkeit der 
Seele, lateinisch-deutsch, B. Mojsisch (ed.), 1990 
8 Jacopo Zabarella: Uber die Methoden (De methodis); 
fiber den Riickgang (De regressu), R. Schicker (ed.), 

Literature: 9 E. Kessler et al. (eds.), Aristotelismus 
und Renaissance. In memoriam Charles B. Schmitt, 1988 
10 Aristotelismo padovano e filosofia aristotelica: Atti del 
XII Congresso internazionale di filosofia, Venezia 1958, 
i960, IX 11 L. Olivieri (ed.), Aristotelismo veneto e 
scienza moderna, 1983 12 Ch. B. Schmitt et al. (eds.), 

The Cambridge History of Renaissance Philosophy, 1988 
13 E. Kessler et al. (eds.), Method and Order in Renais- 
sance Philosophy of Nature: The Aristotle Commentary 
Tradition, 1998 14 L. Giard (ed.), Les jesuites a la Re- 

naissance: Systeme educatif et production du savoir, 1995 
15 Platon et Aristote a la Ren. XVI e Colloque Internation- 
al de Tours, Paris 1976 16 J. Kraye et al. (eds.), Pseudo- 
Aristotle in the Middle Ages, 1986 17 L. Bianchi, II ves- 
covo e i filosofi. La condanna Parigina del 1277 e l’evo- 
luzione dell’ aristotelismo scolastico, 1990 18 J.-F. Cour- 
tine, Suarez et le systeme de la metaphysique, 1990 19 H. 
Dreitzel, Protestantischer Aristotelismus und absoluter 
Staat, 1970 20 Ch. Flueler, Rezeption und Interpreta- 
tion der Aristotelischen Politica im spaten Mittelalter, 2 
vols., 1992 21 L. Giard, L’Aristotelisme au XVIe siecle, 
in: Les etudes philosophiques, 1986, Nr. 3, 281-405 
22 P. O. Kristeller, La tradizione aristotelica nel Rinas- 
cimento, 1962 23 Id., Die Aristotelische Tradition, in: 

Humanismus und Renaissance, 1974, 30-49 24 A. Lang, 
Die theologische Prinzipienlehre der mittelalterlichen 
Scholastik, 1964 25 U. G. Leinsle, Das Ding und die 

Methode. Methodische Konstitutionen und Gegenstand 
der friihen protestantischen Metaphysik, 1985 26 Ch. H. 
Lohr, Latin Aristotle Commentaries: I. Medieval Latin 
Aristotle Commentaries, in: Traditio, 23-30, 1967,74; II. 
Renaissance Authors, 1988; III. Indices, 1995 27 Id., Lat- 
in Aristotle Commentaries V: Bibliography of the Second- 
ary Literature, 2005 28 A. Maier, Studien zur Natur- 

philosophie der Spatscholastik, 5 vols., 1951-66 29 H. 
Mikkeli, An Aristotelian Response to Renaissance Hu- 
manism. Jacopo Zabarella on the Nature of Arts and Sci- 
ences, 1992 30 B. Nardi, Saggi sull’aristotelismo pado- 
vano dal secolo XIV al XVI, 1958 31 F. E. Peters, Ari- 
stoteles arabus, 1968 32 P. Petersen, Geschichte der 

Aristotelischen Philosophie im protestantischen Deutsch- 
land, 1921 (repr. 1964) 33 W. Schmidt-Biggemann, 


Topica universalis. Eine Modellgeschichte humanistischer 

und barocker Wissenschaft, 1983 34 Ch. B. Schmitt, 

Aristotle and the Renaissance, 1983 (Italian 1985, French 

1 9 9 2 ) . CHARLES H. LOHR 

G. Reception of Aristotle in the 20TH 


1. Introduction 2. Anglo-Saxon Philoso- 
phy 3 . The German-Speaking Region 

1 . Introduction 

The reception of Aristotle in the 20th cent, can best 
be characterized in terms of its critical objective. The 
intent is to overcome, through Aristotle, the narrowing 
of modern philosophy since Descartes. Aristotle is not 
read as a systematist; rather, individual aspects of his 
philosophy are selected and further developed from the 
perspective of contemporary concerns. The following 
instances are especially noteworthy: a) the critique of 
rationalism and of idealistic speculations using Aristot- 
le’s method; b) the critique of empiricism using Aris- 
totelian realistic ontology; c) the increased awareness 
that theoretical and practical reason cannot be traced 
back to one another and that simple formalism is insuf- 
ficient for the justification of moral norms. The two 
main branches of reception will be sketched out here, 
and a) and b) will be considered more closely; c) will be 
addressed under ->- Practical philosophy. 

2. Anglo-Saxon Philosophy 

In opposition to Neo-Hegelian idealism, a renais- 
sance of Aristotelian philosophy begins in Oxford with 
the work of the classical philologist and philosopher 
John Cook Wilson (1849-1915). Aristotle is viewed as 
a methodical example: Philosophy must be based on 
normal language and work out the multiple usage of 
words (which Aristotle demonstrates in exemplary 
fashion in Metaph. 5 using terms including that of ‘be- 
ing’, 5, 7). Gilbert Ryle (1900-1976) differentiates, 
with the help of the theory of categories, meaningful 
from meaningless statements and thus solves philo- 
sophical dilemmas. With his method of ‘linguistic phe- 
nomenology’, John L. Austin (1911-1960), who like 
Wilson particularly values the ‘Nicomachean Ethics’, 
clarifies philosophical concepts - for example, via an 
investigation of the daily practice of making excuses, 
the concepts of action and freedom. Staying with the 
Aristotelian focus on the language of daily life, Peter 
Strawson, in Individuals (1959), differentiates between 
‘descriptive’ and ‘revisionary’ metaphysics. Whereas re- 
visionary metaphysics seeks to bring about a better 
structure, descriptive metaphysics is satisfied to 
describe the actual structure of our thinking about the 
world; in this way it shows that material individual 
objects, Aristotle’s first substances, are fundamental to 
the ontology of our everyday language. 

In Aristotle, Ouoia (ousi'a) stands not only for sub- 
stance but also for essence or form (eldos), which is 
indicated by sortal terms, e.g. ‘person’, ‘leopard’, 
‘water’, ‘gold’. For Aristotle, essence is a reality that is 



z8 5 

independent of our thinking and speaking. In contrast 
to the nominalism that harkens back to the Vienna Cir- 
cle, denying the existence of such a real essence and 
recognising only conventions of speech, Saul A. Kripke, 
Naming and Necessity (197Z), Hilary Putnam, The 
Meaning of Meaning (197 5), David Wiggins, Sameness 
and Substance (1980) and others represent an Aris- 
totelian realism. Sortal terms contain an indexical 
moment. They refer to reality; we can recognise their 
meaning only by investigating a natural specimen. The 
priority that Aristotle gives to the category of ousia is 
affirmed by the fact that the various aspects of our rela- 
tionships with individual objects (counting, identifying, 
statements of existence) presuppose an ability on our 
part to understand the individual object as an instance 
of its kind, the second ousia of the Aristotelian writing 
on categories. 

3. The German-Speaking Region 

Repelled by the speculations of Fichte, Schelling and 
Hegel, Franz Brentano (1838-1917), under the influ- 
ence of his teacher Adolf von Trendelenburg, devoted 
himself to the study of Aristotle. Important ideas for 
zoth cent, philosophy came from Brentano: He was 
Husserl’s teacher and thus marks the beginning of phe- 
nomenology; he also decisively influenced contempo- 
rary ontology. Because of his method of linguistic-logi- 
cal investigation he is close to analytical philosophy. 
Brentano is above all interested in analysis of psycho- 
logical phenomena for which ‘intentionality’, that is the 
relationship to something, is essential, and in ontology. 
Both areas of inquiry are inspired by Aristotle. Brenta- 
no’s dissertation investigates the four meanings of ‘be- 
ing’ that Aristotle differentiates in Metaph. 5,7; his 
postdoctoral thesis deals with Aristotelian psychology; 
and the theology of Metaphysics XII [1] is at the heart 
of his later, comprehensive exposition of Aristotle. 

Brentano’s dissertation influenced Heidegger; his 
courses on Aristotle from the 19ZOS [z; 3] constitute the 
decisive impulse behind a new interest. According to 
Heidegger, philosophical historical interpretation has 
the task of destruction; it should lead to an original 
interpretation of tradition. Heidegger’s relationship to 
Aristotle is ambivalent. For Heidegger, Aristotle deter- 
mined the anthropology of the Greco-Christian under- 
standing of life; therefore, Aristotle must be viewed 
critically with an eye to the kind of being that he saw in 
human life: ‘The material realm that supplies the origi- 
nal meaning of being is that of objects that are fabri- 
cated and commonly used’ [4. Z53]. In Gadamer’s judg- 
ment, Aristotle is for Heidegger more of a ‘figure of 
tradition that had a masking function and prevented his 
own Western thinking from coming into its own’ [5. 
Z3Z]. But in the interpretation of the meaning of being 
that has been cited here, Aristotle represents for Hei- 
degger simply the culmination of previous philosophy. 
In his physics, which is for Heidegger the centre of Ar- 
istotelian thinking, Aristotle is seen as achieving a new 
basic approach: the explication of Being in the How of 
its being moved Z51]. 

Inspired by Heidegger’s interpretations, other writ- 
ers including Hans-Georg Gadamer, Hannah Arendt 
and Joachim Ritter fruitfully used ideas of Aristotle’s 
for their own philosophy. The origins of Gadamer’s 
Wabrheit und Methode (i960; Eng. ‘Truth and Meth- 
od’, 1973) reach back to a seminar of Heidegger’s in 
Freiburg about the sixth volume of the Nicomachean 
Ethics [5. Z3of.J, in which Aristotle differentiates 
among different forms of knowledge and truth. Practi- 
cal knowledge is for Aristotle not reducible to the theo- 
retical and the technical. It is not a knowledge that is 
object-based and that simply ascertains; rather, the 
knower is himself affected by this knowledge. It pre- 
scribes to him what he must do. Practical knowledge 
always has to do with the concrete situation; the cul- 
mination of practical knowledge, phronesis, is thus the 
ability to pass judgement, which can not be done ac- 
cording to a formula. Read as a renewal of Aristotelian 
phronesis, Gadamer’s hermeneutics is a critique and 
demarcation of scientific-technical reason. Hannah 
Arendt, The Human Condition (1958), in a critical dis- 
cussion of the impoverishment of social relationships in 
the modern world, wants to restore to the Aristotelian 
concept of action ( praxis ) its full meaning. From among 
the three forms of the Vita activa, labour, work and 
action, Arendt, along with Aristotle, grants the highest 
status to action, in which human beings develop them- 
selves as life forms who are gifted in speech and destined 
for the polis, and which contains its goal within itself. 
Action takes place directly between people in the 
medium of language and without involvement of 
matter and things; it is life in the actual sense, for life 
means ‘being among people’. It is an expression of 
human plurality and at the same time of the irrepro- 
ducible uniqueness of the individual. In contrast to an 
abstract (Kantian) morality, Joachim Ritter, Metaphy- 
sik und Politik. Studien zu Aristoteles und Hegel 
(1969), refers to Hegel’s morality to rehabilitate Aris- 
totle’s concept of the ethical, a category that includes 
custom, tradition and institution as well as virtue. In 
order to be effective, practical reason in his view must 
take on a concrete historical form, as it did for Aristotle 
in the polis. 

->■ Aristoteles 

Sources: IF. Brentano, Von der mannigfachen 

Bedeutung des Seienden nach Aristoteles, i86z (Eng.: On 
the Several Senses of Being in Aristotle, R. George 
(trans.), 1975); Die Psychologie des Aristoteles, insbeson- 
dere seine Lehre vomNOYS IIOIHTIKOS, 1867 (The Psy- 
chology of Aristotle: In Particular his Doctrine of the Ac- 
tive Intellect: With an Appendix Concerning the Activity 
of Aristotle’s God, R. George (trans.), 1977; Aristoteles 
und seine Weltanschauung, 1911 (Eng.: Aristotle and His 
World View,R. George & R. Chisholm (trans.), 1978) 

2 M. Heidegger, Gesamtausgabe II. Abteilung: Vorle- 
sungen 1919-1944, 17, 1994 (WS 1913/14), 6-41; 19, 
1992 (WS 1924/25), 21-189; n, 1:9 76 (WS 1925/26), 
127-196; 21, 1993 (SS 1926) 12-45; 33> A990 (SS 1931) 

3 Id., Wegmarken, 1967, 309-372 (Eng.: Pathmarks, W. 

McNeill (trans.), 1998) 4 Id., Phanomenologische 

Interpretationen zu Aristoteles (Anzeige der hermeneuti- 


z8 7 


schen Situation), in: H.-U. Lessing (ed.), Dilthey-Jahr- 
bticher 6, 1989, 237-269 (Eng.: Phenomenological Inter- 
pretations of Aristotle: Initiation into Phenomenological 
Research, R. Rojcewicz (trans.), 2001) 

Literature: 5 H.-G. Gadamer, Heideggers theologi- 

sche Jugendschrift, in: Dilthey-Jahrbiicher 6, 1989, 228- 
234 6 M.-Th. Liske, Aristoteles und der aristotelische 
Essentialismus, 1985 7 Ch. Rapp,, Persistenz 

und Substantialitat, 1995 8 F. Ricken, Die Oxford-Phi- 
los., in: E. Coreth et ah, Philosophie des 20. Jahrhun- 
derts, 2 1 993, 158-176 9 F. Volpi, Heidegger e Aristotele, 
1984 10 Id., Praktische Klugheit im Nihilismus der Tech- 
nik: Hermeneutik, praktische Philosophie, Neo-Aristote- 
limus, in: Internationale Zeitschrift fur Philosophie 1, 
I99Z, 5-23 

Additional Bibliography: E. Booth, Aristotelian 
Aporetic Ontology in Islamic and Christian Thinkers, 
1983; R. Bosley, M. M. Tweed ale, Aristotle and his Me- 
dieval Interpreters, 1992; D. Des Chene, Physiologia: 
Natural Philosophy in Late Aristotelian and Cartesian 
Thought, 1996; H. S. Lang, Aristotle’s Physics and its 
Medieval Varieties, 1992; R. Pozzo (ed.), The Impact of 
Aristotelianism on Modern Philosophy, in: Philosophy 
and the History of Philosophy, vol. 39, 2004; C. B. 
Schmitt, Aristotle and the Renaissance, 1983; R. Sor- 
abji, Aristotle Transformed: The Ancient Commentators 
and Their Influence, 1990; A. Tessitore, Aristotle and 
Modern Politics: The Persistence of Political Philosophy, 

Arithmetic see-> Mathematics 


A. Introduction B. Middle Ages C. Mod- 
ern Period 

A. Introduction 

Armenia (A.) is one of the cultural regions of the 
Middle East shaped by Hellenism where the process of 
reception had already occurred in ancient times. The 
Temple of Garni, built in the rst cent. AD and dedicated 
to the sun god Mihr (Mithras), is, as the only preserved 
pre-Christian temple in the area of A.- together with its 
r 5-colour thermal bath mosaics with Greek inscrip- 
tions and mythical figures,- an impressive symbol of 
this process. 

A., which was divided between the great powers and 
was struggling for its identity, had no intention of being 
assimilated either by the Iranian - later the Arabian or 
Russian - or the Greco-Roman/Byzantine - later the 
Turkish/Mongolian culture groups. Thus, in its volatile 
history, in addition to attempts at cultural synthesis, 
clearly conflicting tendencies appear in the case of the 
adoption of the prevailing cultural elements. A cultural 
type was nurtured or rejected, depending on whether it 
contributed to the protection of Armenian identity or 
represented a danger to it. This criterion also applied to 
Classical Antiquity and conditioned the history of its 
influence in A. 

The history of the reception of Greco-Roman Anti- 
quity in A. has experienced three highpoints that will, in 

the following, be paradigmatically characterized in the 
reception of literature: l. The period of the flourishing 
of Hellenistic culture after the victory of Alexander the 
Great (334 BC) when the kingdom of A. achieved its 
independence from the Medes and Persians and the 
emancipation of the Orontidic Dynasty added a new 
Hellenistic dimension to the old Iranian component of 
Armenian culture. At that time the Armenian state fell 
within the circle of influence of ancient Greece, Hellen- 
istic Syria and Cappadocia. The traces of these effects 
can be observed throughout the entire Middle Ages and 
beyond; z. The period of the first Armenian cultural 
renaissance (LLth-L3thcents.); 3. The period of the sec- 
ond renaissance (L7th-L9th cents.), which also repre- 
sents a reaction to various risks to identity (in the first 
case, through invasions from the east, in the second, 
through loss of the governmental organisation). Mod- 
els taken from national classicism (following Classical 
Antiquity) were revived as bearers of the ideals of a 
promising future with regard to hopes for national in- 

B. Middle Ages 

As a result of the meeting of cultures in this region, a 
highly developed, typically Armenian culture arose 
which found its continuation in the early formation of 
Armenian Christianity. This was closely followed in the 
early Christian-Armenian period by translations of 
Greek-language ancient and patristic works. In this 
complex culture, the authority of the ancient world 
played a large role. It was no coincidence that the final 
spiritual formation of the key figure of this culture, St. 
Grigor Lusaworic (Gregory the Illuminator), who de- 
termined the basic structures of Armenian Christian 
culture in close correlation with the Cappadocian-East- 
ern Roman culture, occurred in Cappadocian Caesaria 
at the end of the 3rd cent. Also, the Armenian alphabet, 
invented in the 5th cent, and conceived of as a prelude 
to an extensive cultural programme, follows quite con- 
sciously the Greek alphabet’s phonetic principles and 
direction of writing. This alphabet became a symbol of 
Armenian Christian literature and the basis for the 
whole of medieval writing. The first Christian Arme- 
nian writers like Agat’hangelos and P’awstos of Byzan- 
tium (5th cent.) state that they wrote their works in 
Greek, which, after Aramaic, was the second language 
of administration and culture. In this way, even the 
beginnings of Armenian written language and literature 
relects a Graecophile tendency which will be seen in 
later phases of the history of Armenian literature: in the 
8th cent, (second Graecophile school, e.g. trans. of 
Corpus areopagiticum), in the rzth cent. (cf. the works 
of Grigor Magistros) or in the r8th-L9th cents, (cf. the 
poems, tragedies and epic poems utilizing Greek proso- 
dy or the historical, geographical and scientific works 
of the Classicist school among the Mechithrists written 
in Classical Armenian in imitation of Latin scientific 
treatises). The Greek cultural centres of Athens, Cae- 
saria, Edessa, Constantinople and Alexandria were also 




centres of Armenian education and precursors of Arme- 
nian educational centres from the region of eastern A. 
to Cilicia and Jerusalem. But even in the later Armenian 
study centres, important works in the old tradition - in 
Armenian translation - remained the basis for educa- 
tion throughout the centuries, for instance the Gram- 
mar of Dionysios Thrax (znd cent. BC) or the Progym- 
nasmata of Aphthonios (4th/5th cent. AD). 

The philosophical and theological works of the 
Greeks in the original and in translation (among others 
Aristotle, Plato, Proclos, Porphyrios, Iamblichus with 
their numerous interpretations, some of which were 
local - cf. Dawit’ Anyalt’, David the Unconquerable - 
as well as Aesop’s Fables) were copied by several gen- 
erations right through to the late I7th/i8th cent. An 
example of this creative reception process is the work of 
Yovhannes Sarkawag (1045/50-11Z9, also called 
‘Sophestos/Philosophos’ and ‘Poetikos’) from the mon- 
astery of Halpat who interpreted ancient and Christian 
authors in his writings and, among other things, also 
produced the Armenian variant of the Table of Pytha- 
goras as well as the works of the above-mentioned 
Grigor Magistros, the translator of Euclid’s Elements 
(Armenian: ‘Principles’) and admirer of ancient Greek 
mythology, poetry, philosophy, music theory and 
grammar. By working on these topics he attempted to 
revive interest in the art and culture of the ancient 
world. A further example is the creative work of Xaca- 
tur of Kecaris (1Z60-1331) who reconstructed the 
Armenian variant of the Alexander romance (Arme- 
nian: Life of Alexander) of Pseudo-Callisthenes, made 
18 copies of it and illustrated them. The ancient tradi- 
tion was adapted in a particularly lively fashion by the 
Armenian Chalcedonites, e.g. in the group centred 
around Simeon (1188-1Z55) from the monastery of 
Plnjahank’, modern Achtala in the Lalwar Mountains, 
where the Institutio theologica of Proclos Diadochos, 
the writings of John of Damascus, the Ladder of Divine 
Ascent by John Klimakos and the Byzantine liturgical 
books were translated i